Community-based forest management (CBFM) offers a better strategy for controlling forest resource degradation while at the same time benefiting local communities. With few exceptions, CBFM had been largely neglected in South Africa in the past. Lately, community forestry has, however, gained impetus through changes in the programs of the Department of Water and Forestry. Despite such efforts, a preliminary survey in some districts of KwaZulu-Natal showed that only a small proportion of households were participating in CBFM. The reason behind the lack of household participation could be that the objectives of most CBFM programs were not in line with the values rural communities attach to forest resources. Some authors have recommended that understanding the values households attach to forest resources is crucial for framing strategies on implementing CBFM. This study, therefore, investigates the values households in KwaSobabili, New Reserve B and Gudwini rural communities of KwaZulu-Natal, in aggregate, attach to forest resources and the factors influencing households to participate in CBFM. The social choice approach was used to measure the values households attach to forest resources. Hundred and fifty-one (151) household heads were asked to give scores of relative importance to 21 forest products and services on a 5-point Likert scale. Principal Component Analysis was used to generate composite indices or factors representing the values households attach to forest products and services. Ordinary Least Squares regression was then employed to determine the factors influencing such valuation of forests. The Multinomial Logit model was used to estimate the determinants of household position/status on participation in CBFM. The results showed that households in the three communities, on aggregate, overwhelmingly attach anthropocentric values to forest products and services. This was interpreted to be due to the high levels of household poverty that is rampant among many rural households of South Africa. However, in addition to the anthropocentric values, rural households also attach cultural/moral/spiritual and non-use/option values to forests. No differences existed across the three communities in terms of the anthropocentric and cultural values households attach to forest. However, households in Gudwini (who were managing a natural forest) significantly attached more non-use/option values to forest. This was attributed to the fact that households in this community believed that the natural forests were their heritage and were obliged to pass them to their future generations. It was also found that the anthropocentric and cultural/moral/spiritual values households attach to forest resources influence the decision to participate in CBFM programs. Other socio-economic factors (especially those that influence household‟s dependency on forests and the opportunity cost of their time in managing those forests) such as gender of household head, household size, levels of household income, total amount of social grants, perception of forest degradation, access to electricity, and distance to the forests have also been found to influence the household‟s decision to participate in CBFM. The study recommended that, since poorer societies have more materialistic orientation towards forests, CBFM programs should target poverty alleviation/income generation as the central theme to enhance participation in CBFM. Moreover, local people who depend more on forests and those with a lower opportunity cost of their time in managing forests could be targeted to ensure sustainable CBFM programs. / Thesis (M.Sc.Agric)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.

Indigenous forest resources are valuable to communities situated around them as they provide many different resources for their livelihoods. South Africa has only 0.5% of indigenous forest cover and most forests are surrounded by local communities who depend on them for resources. At Ongoye the forest was widely (91% of households) used for fuelwood. Community members denied harvesting the forest for either building or fencing poles, claiming they bought Eucalyptus poles from suppliers in the community. However, the harvesting intensities of pole size stems confirm that the user community does harvest timber from the forest. There is a high demand for fuelwood and pole-size stems are harvested not only for building but are cut and left to dry for later use as fuelwood. Although the harvesting intensity was greater than users were prepared to admit to, harvesting levels are thought to be sustainable. Local communities did not trade in products extracted from the forest. The use of resources was only for subsistence purposes, and therefore, forest resources were only valuable to users with respect to providing support to local livelihoods. Ensuring the protection and conservation of forest resources is critical for the survival of the user communities that are dependent upon them. Most local communities are not knowledgeable about managing forest resources adjacent to them, and the management of forest resources at Ongoye is currently in the hands of the state and also the influence of the Inkosi (local tribal chief). As part of the process of democratization post 1994, the government is devolving the management of natural resources to local communities. Several models of management institutions have been proposed and tested including community forest management (CFM), state forest management (SFM), and participatory forest management (PFM). Current trends are towards participatory management institutions. Using questionnaires, I determined that users preferred PFM over both SFM and CFM. However, the local community was in favour of more state involvement in the PFM than expected. Given a choice between CFM and SFM, the user community was more favourably disposed toward SFM. This was because they viewed CFM as vulnerable to resulting in open access to resources without any control. The devolution of powers to local communities can create problems in local governance. For most areas surrounding forest resources, traditional authorities are the important 'governing' leaders. In South Africa, events post 1994 have created tensions between democratically elected and hereditary governance institutions. On the one hand democratic institutions are supposed to be created at the local level, and on the other the constitution recognizes the existence of hereditary institutions. There is a power struggle over who the legitimate authority at the local level is between democratically elected councilors and chiefs. At Ongoye, the local chief was very powerful and had strong views on the ownership and control of Ongoye. He had a positive influence on maintaining current low to moderate levels of use of forest resources. However, because there are several dangers associated with concentrating power over management of natural resources in one individual, I recommend that a participatory natural resources management institution be developed that acknowledges the important role of the Inkosi, but also tempers his influence, so that continuity of management principles is maintained should traditional leadership changes hands. / Thesis (M.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.

Research was conducted in three study sites in Lesotho, and the fourth, which was used on comparative basis, was in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The study was suitable for Lesotho as it is a small country with very limited natural resources. Lesotho's weak economy, exacerbated by the increasing population, needs concerted efforts to redress its socio-economic problems. This study is one of such efforts to explore the potentials of the indigenous forests with the aim of addressing wood demands. Celtis africana is one of the species with a proven record in Lesotho to have been a well adapted, resourceful timber tree in the past. Over-exploitation has degenerated it to its brink of extinction. It is against this background that this research was conducted with the aim of restoring Celtis africana to its original status in Lesotho. The results revealed that due to climatic conditions, seeds from Kwazulu-Natal are heavier than those from localities in Lesotho. However, wood densities from study sites in Lesotho are higher than those of KwaZulu-Natal. Pre-treatment method of manual scarification showed the best outcomes in terms of germination percent and vigour while the control was the last. The diverse nature of Celtis africana allows it to survive and prosper in a wide and varying range of habitats. Its pliable and adaptive characters are manifested by its ability to adapt in novel environments. Under ideal warm and moist conditions Celtis africana keeps its foliage all the year round, but in dry or abnormally cold years it becomes a deciduous tree. Though it is distributed in a variety of habitats, Celtis africana prefers moist habitats. It also demonstrates greater "affinities" for the carbonates in the soils, in particular, calcium carbonate (CaC03) and dolomite (CaMgC03). More research and determined reforestation programmes are required in order to improve the status of Celtis africana in Lesotho. Its natural existence in Lesotho can curtail expense of provenance identification. Both extension strategies and silvicultural operations, which can assist in tree improvement, should be adopted. Social benefits which, are rendered by Celtis africana in South Africa, can be emulated and adopted in Lesotho. Other than being an admired and valuable recreational tree (planted in parks and in the homesteads), it is a protected tree in South Africa. / Thesis (M.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.