Comparative Political Theory (CPT) focuses on political ideas of non-western thinkers and compares these to their western counterparts. In recent years, works of CPT have demonstrated that a comparative perspective allows us to see the many parallels in the theoretical projects of western and non-western thinkers. This approach towards political theorizing opens up previously unexplored avenues to gain a better understanding of the political. CPT has also strongly challenged traditional western political theorists, and political scientists alike, to reconsider the validity of several existing theories about the political. This is a result of CPT’s awareness of the bias introduced by western dominance in a globalized world. Works of CPT attempt to neutralize this power imbalance between the west and the rest by attempting to revitalize the non-west in terms of its self-understanding. This dissertation argues that a comparative perspective must be adopted in political theory, because, while it helps us to interpret non-western ideas it also allows us to understand how the west has come to its present self-understanding. Hence, unlike previous comparative works which argue for CPT as a separate subfield of political theory in the west, this dissertation brings the CPT enterprise to the center of the vocational landscape of the western political theory. The dissertation supports this claim by presenting an in-depth analysis of four cases of east-west encounters in the pre- Enlightenment period. The analysis is based on several primary and secondary sources from the western and non-western civilizations which span a period of over four centuries. The significance of the dissertation is distributed along four dimensions. First, it presents a comprehensive review and critique of scholarship done by comparative theorists till now. Second, it highlights additional points of significance attached to the integral role of the non-west in the construction of the west itself. Third, it extends the range of comparative analyses to the pre and early modern periods. Fourth, it considers actual cases of east-west encounters as against CPT’s exclusive focus on constructing imaginary inter-civilizational dialogues.

In this thesis, I explore the epistemological dimensions in the political thought of Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī (d. 1111), a renowned Muslim theologian and philosopher, famous for the refutation of the peripatetic tradition by means of a thoroughgoing skepticism. His reflections on human understanding and the cognitive faculties led him to the following conclusion: since reason is not self-sufficient, humanity must abide by revealed laws. While al-Ghazālī maintains that strict obedience is necessary for certain commoners, he arrives at such theocratic conclusions by way of investigating human nature as well as metaphysical claims. In brief, al-Ghazālī’s claim that humans must abide by revelation is grounded on two interrelated themes which are prevalent across his texts: (1) his view that God’s power over the universe is unlimited and (2) his claim that humans are entirely feeble before His omnipotence. In this sense, al-Ghazālī’s theology stands out as a negative philosophy; it is his use of philosophy that eventually undercuts independent philosophy, thus demanding that all persons submit to a higher source of truth, God’s revelation. Alternatively, al-Ghazālī proposes a mystical doctrine to address humanity’s perceptive shortcomings, claiming that the ascetic experience is the best means to attaining knowledge of the divine. I argue that, by pursuing a systemic inquiry into the nature of creation, which leads up to this mysticism, al-Ghazālī occasionally elevates reason to the ranks of revelation. This is because he arrives at this conclusion not by way of revelation, but through independent philosophical reflection and inquiry, one that makes use of particular theological notions. His skeptical refutation of certain philosophical doctrines is followed by his mysticism. In the later stages of my thesis, I extrapolate from this study to make larger claims about the nature of theocratic regimes. In the final analysis, I re-examine his theological and philosophical concepts to demonstrate how they are transposed to his political thought. I argue that al-Ghazālī’s key theological notions strongly shape his main political writings, though he tones down the philosophical and mystical jargon. While addressing the rulers, al-Ghazālī hopes that they could adopt the humility of the ideal ascetic man he has in mind. In brief, al-Ghazālī articulates a politics of humility to warn against tyrannical practice by appealing to the importance of the heart. Lastly, though this thesis deals with al-Ghazālī’s theological corpus, I also contribute to the literature on reason and revelation. I demonstrate that the theological may also contain reason at its foundation, especially when appealing to universal questions about humanity’s welfare.

<p>  </p> <p>This dissertation attempts to explain a uniquely modern phenomenon—totalitarianism—through a case study of Chinese totalitarianism. It seeks to solve the puzzle of why the Chinese people’s inclinations, manners, customs, and morals were particularly suitable for totalitarian rule, and its thesis is that <em>Confucianism</em> laid the moral and psychological foundations of Chinese totalitarianism, paving the way for socialism and communism’s takeover of China in the twentieth century. </p> <p>It is this Confucian substratum that distinguishes Chinese totalitarianism from Western parallels. It is true that socialist and communist ideas were significant in advancing the Chinese Communist Party’s dictatorship, but the Chinese did not succumb to a socialism or communism imported from abroad. In the West, totalitarian ideologies bewitched masses suffering from economic crises and social unrest, who were thus willing to accept a centralized government led by a “strong man” promising economic renewal and restoral of order. In China, those ideologies only took root because of and on the basis of their accordance with the preexisting Confucianism. </p> <p>This dissertation includes in-depth and extensive textual analysis of original Confucian texts. Its theoretical analysis of Confucius’s original thought, in particular his ethical and political teachings, illustrates how traditional Chinese political culture, nurtured in Confucian ethics, predisposed the Chinese people to a totalitarian solution to political problems. </p> <p>Chapter 2 presents the analysis’s method and terminology, which are unconventional. It explicates a few key terms which are essential to the Confucian canon, but which have long been mistranslated in the English literature. Chapter 3 reviews the literature of totalitarianism and proposes a (re)conceptualization of totalitarianism deviating from conventional treatments. Chapter 4 turns to the analysis of the intellectual characteristics of the ru school of thought, explaining the amenability of Chinese society to a totalitarian rule depending on mass obedience and the inability of individuals to think for themselves. It is shown that human hermeneutics—modes of interpreting and understanding phenomena—are realized fundamentally differently in China than in the West. Chapter 5 examines ru ethics, the moral foundation of traditional Chinese politics, which is here termed <em>family politics</em>. Comparing Western accounts of ethics with 伦理 (<em>lun li</em>) demonstrates the essential differences between Chinese and Western morality. Chapter 6 concerns China’s traditional political culture, which shaped China’s imperial politics and is still robust in today’s China. Finally, Chapter 7 explains why European socialism, an ideology seemingly alien to Chinese culture, nonetheless was able to flourish in China. This chapter also addresses the question of why other East Asian countries, also influenced by the ru school of thought, did not follow the same totalitarian pathway as China.  </p>