acase@tulane.edu / Physical formidability has been important for much of human history, playing an important role in intra-sexual competition, and influencing attractiveness, status, and power. Previous research suggests that people adapt their expressed moral and political attitudes strategically. If so, individuals may respond to cues that they are more formidable by shifting the emphasis of their overt attitudes in a way that suits the interests of more powerful, higher-status individuals. Recent studies support this prediction, suggesting that formidability correlates with some political attitudes, and that upper-body strength is associated with greater self-interest in terms of attitudes towards wealth redistribution. The current studies tested the hypotheses that formidability is associated with more conservative attitudes, less support for wealth redistribution, and greater vigilance for violations of Authority and Loyalty-related moral norms. As predicted, Study 1 found correlations between formidability and more conservative attitudes, as well as harsher judgments of moral violations relating to loyalty and authority, and less harsh judgments of harm-based violations. Study 2 aimed to manipulate perceived formidability by either restraining participants or asking them to exercise, and found predicted effects on both Egalitarian Wealth Distribution and Social and Economic Conservatism, but did not find the predicted effects on moral judgments. Study 2 also found positive correlations in males but not females, between grip-strength and Social and Economic Conservatism. These results suggest that increased formidability may lead to more conservative and less financially egalitarian attitudes. / 1 / Nicholas Kerry

R.A. Butler was one of the most influential and yet enigmatic of twentieth century politicians. He did more than anyone to stimulate the revival of post-war Conservatism, which led to three consecutive general election victories. He was a powerful figure in all Conservative Cabinets from 1951 to 1964, serving in each of the three main offices of state, and he nearly became Prime Minister twice. This thesis seeks to challenge the commonly held belief that the post-war Conservative policies developed by Butler represented an acceptance of the mixed-economy welfarestate, as established by the Labour Government between 1945 and 1951. The weakness of the Conservatives' electoral position had led Butler to accept the need for state intervention in the economy and social policy in the late 1940s. However, in the various positions occupied by Butler after 1951i he pursued a distinctive course in economic and social policy. He sought to reclaim a far greater role for private enterprise, individual initiative and responsiblity; the traditional themes of Tory philosophy. This involved the creation of a free-enterprise economy and an 'opportunity' as opposed to a 'welfare' state. Butler's reputation for ambiguity, evasiveness and indecision obscured this political achievement at the time - playing a part in his failure to gain the Party leadership - and his record has not been recognised by biographers and historians subsequently.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1964. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Bibliography: l. [140]-144.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1951. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [501]-526).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1967. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2006. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains vii, 143 p. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-143).

No description available.

Thesis advisor: Cynthia L. Lyerly / This dissertation explores the ultraconservative Republican and moderate conservative Republican movements in Dallas, Texas between 1952 and 1964, an essential period in which the GOP abandoned its longstanding identification as the party of President Lincoln and Reconstruction and adopted the Southern Strategy. While the first generation of scholars of American conservatism recognized the influence of ultraconservatives who embraced conspiracy theory, absolutist thinking, and apocalyptic rhetoric, the most recent scholarship has tended to downplay the impact of this ultraconservative worldview and stress moderate conservatives' upward mobility and mainstream and modern values. Through the lens of the Republican Party in Dallas, Texas--an epicenter of American conservative Republicanism in the 1950s and 1960s--this dissertation argues that while moderate conservative Republicans were important, ultraconservatives Republicans were more essential to the conservative Republican ascendancy. The dissertation shows that ultraconservative Republicans standing on the "fringe" of mainstream conservatism served not only to push many Republicans to embrace right-wing ideas, but mainstreamed and legitimated the moderate conservative Republicans in the 1950s and 1960s. In showing that ultraconservatives mattered more than historians previously thought, the dissertation suggests that the most recent scholarship has overcompensated for the first generation of historians, who tended to pathologize the Right and dismiss its staying power. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of litigiousness on the information role of accounting conservatism. Prior literature documents the information role of accounting conservatism, measured by the positive association between earnings conservatism and information asymmetry between inside managers and outside investors. Prior literature also demonstrates that shareholder litigation concerns motivate managers and auditors to be conservative in preparing financial statements because conservatism shields managers and auditors from allegations that they overstated earnings and net assets. In a more litigious environment, both managers and auditors have incentives to be more sensitive to expected litigation costs, which increase with the level of information asymmetry. I hypothesize that higher levels of litigiousness enhance the information role of accounting conservatism. Overall empirical results are generally consistent with the hypothesis. / Thesis (Ph.D, Management) -- Queen's University, 2010-09-29 17:59:20.556

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Mannheim, 2004.-