Diploma thesis deals with the issue of constructions on the land of another. At first the thesis focuses on definition of basic terms, i.e. the construction and the building plot. In the following text is concerned about permission to build. Attention is focused on three types of titles of use - lease, easement and of peripheral importance, loan of land, which is not given a full explanation, but only focusing on issues related to the topic of work. To the previous issues link two institutes which deal with third and fourth chapter - authorized and unauthorized construction. Authorized construction is current problem in the future and therefore it is very noticeable lack of explicit rules that must be compensated for general rules of unjust enrichment. The chapter on unauthorized construction is divided into sections according to the character of each "type", i.e. whether the construction is movable thing or realty and whether the authorization to construction lacked from outset or dropped out after the construction was built. Last but not least the work deals with public-law issues and also the role of public law in the formation of conditions for the rise of construction - in the chapter devoted to building plot, and also issues permission to build as a public-law act, which makes possible to...

A Vila Barros é o maior cortiço conhecido pela historiografia da cidade de São Paulo. Foi construída no início da década de 1920, sobre os terrenos originados pelo loteamento do vale do antigo córrego do Bexiga. Formada por um conjunto de treze edificações, a Vila deu abrigo aos trabalhadores e trabalhadoras ocupados sobretudo em expedientes temporários e informais - lavadeiras, pedreiros, carpinteiros, meninos entregadores de jornal. Seus moradores, sujeitos ao preço sempre crescente dos alugueis, compunham a parcela mais empobrecida da população urbana. Localizada no centro da cidade, em lotes contíguos ao Parque Anhangabaú - entre as ruas de Santo Amaro, Jacarehy e Travessa Jacarehy - a Vila Barros era encarada pelas autoridades municipais como uma \'chaga aberta\', uma ferida no tecido urbano remodelado e aburguesado. Seus moradores foram, ao longo das décadas de 1920, 30 e 40, invariavelmente associados às imagens da \'promiscuidade\' e da \'criminalidade\' por meio de um discurso que circunscrevia os significados da precariedade material ao estigma moral. Na década de 1950, quando a cidade passava pela maior remodelação urbana e viária de sua história, a Vila Barros foi enfim demolida pelo poder público. O Plano de Avenidas de Prestes Maia desenhou uma Avenida de Irradiação que não suportaria, em uma de suas margens, o enorme conjunto de cortiços. O terreno foi comprado pelo Instituto de Aposentadoria e Pensões dos Industriários (IAPI), importante órgão habitacional do governo de Getúlio Vargas, que arrasou a Vila e construiu em seu lugar o conjunto residencial Japurá, um edifício de dezesseis andares sobre pilotis. / Vila Barros is the largest tenement known by the historiography of the city of São Paulo. It was built in the early 1920s, on the lands originated by the allotment of the valley of the old Bexiga stream. Composed of a set of thirteen buildings, the Vila gave shelter to the workers mainly occupied in temporary and informal professions - washerwomen, masons, carpenters, and newspaper delivery boys. Its inhabitants, subject to the ever-increasing price of rent, represent the most impoverished portion of the urban population. Located in the center of the city, in lots adjacent to the Anhangabaú Park - between the streets of Santo Amaro, Jacarehy and Travessa Jacarehy - Vila Barros was seen by the municipal authorities as an \'open sore\', a wound in the refurbished and bourgeois urban fabric. Throughout the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s, its inhabitants were invariably associated with images of \'promiscuity\' and \'criminality\' through a discourse that circumscribed the meanings of material precariousness into moral stigma. In the 1950s, when the city underwent the greatest urban and road remodeling in its history, Vila Barros was finally demolished by the public power. The Prestes Maia Plan of Avenues designed an Irradiation Avenue that could not support, in one of its banks, the enormous set of tenements. The land was bought by the Institute of Industrialists\' Retirement and Pensions (IAPI), an important housing body of the Getúlio Vargas government, which bulldozed the village and built in its place the residential set Japurá, a sixteen-story building on pilotis.

A Vila Barros é o maior cortiço conhecido pela historiografia da cidade de São Paulo. Foi construída no início da década de 1920, sobre os terrenos originados pelo loteamento do vale do antigo córrego do Bexiga. Formada por um conjunto de treze edificações, a Vila deu abrigo aos trabalhadores e trabalhadoras ocupados sobretudo em expedientes temporários e informais - lavadeiras, pedreiros, carpinteiros, meninos entregadores de jornal. Seus moradores, sujeitos ao preço sempre crescente dos alugueis, compunham a parcela mais empobrecida da população urbana. Localizada no centro da cidade, em lotes contíguos ao Parque Anhangabaú - entre as ruas de Santo Amaro, Jacarehy e Travessa Jacarehy - a Vila Barros era encarada pelas autoridades municipais como uma \'chaga aberta\', uma ferida no tecido urbano remodelado e aburguesado. Seus moradores foram, ao longo das décadas de 1920, 30 e 40, invariavelmente associados às imagens da \'promiscuidade\' e da \'criminalidade\' por meio de um discurso que circunscrevia os significados da precariedade material ao estigma moral. Na década de 1950, quando a cidade passava pela maior remodelação urbana e viária de sua história, a Vila Barros foi enfim demolida pelo poder público. O Plano de Avenidas de Prestes Maia desenhou uma Avenida de Irradiação que não suportaria, em uma de suas margens, o enorme conjunto de cortiços. O terreno foi comprado pelo Instituto de Aposentadoria e Pensões dos Industriários (IAPI), importante órgão habitacional do governo de Getúlio Vargas, que arrasou a Vila e construiu em seu lugar o conjunto residencial Japurá, um edifício de dezesseis andares sobre pilotis. / Vila Barros is the largest tenement known by the historiography of the city of São Paulo. It was built in the early 1920s, on the lands originated by the allotment of the valley of the old Bexiga stream. Composed of a set of thirteen buildings, the Vila gave shelter to the workers mainly occupied in temporary and informal professions - washerwomen, masons, carpenters, and newspaper delivery boys. Its inhabitants, subject to the ever-increasing price of rent, represent the most impoverished portion of the urban population. Located in the center of the city, in lots adjacent to the Anhangabaú Park - between the streets of Santo Amaro, Jacarehy and Travessa Jacarehy - Vila Barros was seen by the municipal authorities as an \'open sore\', a wound in the refurbished and bourgeois urban fabric. Throughout the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s, its inhabitants were invariably associated with images of \'promiscuity\' and \'criminality\' through a discourse that circumscribed the meanings of material precariousness into moral stigma. In the 1950s, when the city underwent the greatest urban and road remodeling in its history, Vila Barros was finally demolished by the public power. The Prestes Maia Plan of Avenues designed an Irradiation Avenue that could not support, in one of its banks, the enormous set of tenements. The land was bought by the Institute of Industrialists\' Retirement and Pensions (IAPI), an important housing body of the Getúlio Vargas government, which bulldozed the village and built in its place the residential set Japurá, a sixteen-story building on pilotis.

Thesis (M. Sc. (Urb. Plan.))--University of Hong Kong, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references.

PRÁVO STAVBY V ČESKÉM A FRANCOUZSKÉM PRÁVU, 2015 Abstract (English) Superficial Right of Construction in Czech and French Law The Superficial Right of Construction is one of the new institutions of civil law after the entry into force of the new Czech Civil Code on January 1st , 2014. But the institute is not quite unknown to Czech law, because it was a part of it until 1964. This fact enables to compare the current legislation with the previous provisions and to follow up the development of the explored institute's concept, both in terms of the shift of its nature from public to private, as well as of its content. It is also possible to identify the characteristics of "new" Czech Superficial Right of Construction which reflect not only the development of law in the last fifty years in general, but also of a similar institute in other (European) countries. One of such an institute is undoubtedly French bail à construction, existing since 1964 which seems appropriate for comparison with Czech Superficial Right of Construction mainly due to its continual development and a fairly frequent practice use in its home country. Apart from the relation of Superficial Right of Construction to the Roman principle superficies solo cedit, identification of the expression and legal nature of the institute, excursion into...

Bostadsbristen är ett växande problem i Sveriges storstadsregioner, och har pekats ut som en av Stockholms största utmaningar. Befolkningsmängden ökar snabbt i huvudstaden och den nybyggnation som sker motsvarar inte efterfrågan, vilket orsakat en utveckling med bostadsbrist, höga boendekostnader, längre bostadsköer och ökad trångboddhet som följd. När vi nu går in i en ekonomisk lågkonjunktur som befaras förvärra denna situation är det än mer betydelsefullt att undersöka vilka faktorer som potentiellt hindrar nybyggnation av bostäder för att förstå hur dessa hinder kan överbryggas.Detta arbete syftar till att utforska en av dessa försvårande faktorer: relationen mellan parkeringskrav och nybyggnation av bostäder. Detta utreds i en intervjustudie med byggaktörer och nyckelpersoner från Stockholms tekniska förvaltningar, samt via studier av tre projekt där parkeringsfrågan varit av central betydelse för projektets genomförbarhet. Resultatet kompareras och kontrasteras gentemot tidigare forskning och Stockholms stads egna målsättningar om att öka byggtakten och bygga för alla stadens demografiska grupper, samt stadens vision av vad en hållbar stadsutveckling innebär. Studien föreslår slutligen möjliga förändringar av Stockholms parkeringsreglering som ökar möjligheterna för nybyggnation av bostäder och förtätning i enlighet med den utveckling som efterlyses i Stockholms översiktsplan.Studien indikerar att det finns regelverk och arbetssätt gällande parkeringsfrågan som försvårar den bostadsutveckling som staden efterfrågar. Parkeringskravet är en knäckfråga för bostadsprojekt i Stockholm, vilket grundar sig i att de parkeringslösningar som förespråkas av staden medför stora kostnader för byggaktören, kostnader som inte motsvarar köpviljan hos de boende. Detta är speciellt betydelsefullt då hyresrätter uppförs. Det finns också målkonflikter mellan Stockholms parkeringsreglering och flera av stadens visioner och mål. Stadens tjänstemän uppger att de inte får tillräckligt stöd att hantera dessa konflikter. Studien föreslår att parkeringsregleringen revideras för att bättre hantera dessa konflikter, och för att fylla de kunskapsluckor som finns idag. Ett hinder är att parkeringsfrågan är politiskt känslig, vilket försvårar flera av de förändringar som behöver ske för att lösa dessa målkonflikter. / The housing shortage is a growing problem in Sweden's metropolitan regions, and has been identified as one of Stockholm's biggest challenges. The population is increasing rapidly in the capital, and the rate of which new construction is taking place does not correspond to the existing demand. This has caused a development with housing shortages, high living costs, longer housing queues and increased overcrowding as a result. Now, we are entering an economic recession which is feared to exacerbate this situation. Thus, it is even more important to examine the factors that potentially hinder the construction of new housing in order to understand how these obstacles can be overcome.This work aims to explore one of these aggravating factors: the relationship between parking requirements and residential construction. This is explored in an interview study with the city's technical administrations and building operators and via a case study. The results are contrasted with previous research and the City of Stockholm's own objectives in regard to increase the rate of construction for all demographic groups, as well as the Stockholm’s vision of what a sustainable urban development implies. Lastly, possible changes to the parking requirement are proposed that increase the opportunities for new construction of housing and densification in accordance with the development called for in the Stockholm Comprehensive Plan.The study indicates that there are regulations and working methods regarding the parking issue that impede the housing development that the city requires. The parking requirement is a key issue for housing projects in Stockholm, which is based on the fact that the parking solutions advocated by the city entail large costs for the developer: costs that do not correspond to the willingness of the residents to buy. This is particularly important when rental apartments are built. Furthermore, there are goal conflicts between Stockholm's parking regulations and several of the city's visions and goals. City officials state that they do not receive sufficient support to manage these conflicts. The study suggests that parking regulations should be revised to better manage these conflicts, and to fill the knowledge gaps that exist today. One obstacle is that the parking issue is politically sensitive, which complicates many of the changes that need to be made to resolve these conflicting objectives.