The thesis that follows is interdisciplinary in nature, bringing together the fields of contemporary archaeology, cultural and historical Geography to explore the changing landscape of the Dean Forest and Wye Valley National Forest Park. During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the Forest of Dean was a significant industrial region, a landscape dominated by pitheads, tramroads and railways, coal mines, ironworks, and quarries. However, the twentieth century saw the radical transformation of this landscape, from industry to leisure. In the chapters that follow, it is aspects of this landscape transformation that are examined through the lens of non-representational theory, as each chapter explores the questions: what might a ‘more-than-representational’ approach to contemporary archaeology look like? And, what can archaeological perspectives offer in terms of the development of non-representational theory? Starting from the premise that contemporary archaeology is not just about the recent past, but about how we engage with the past from the perspective of the present, this thesis focuses upon those barely perceptible echoes from the past that have the power to move us in unexpected ways. As such, it examines not just the legacy of the past in the landscape, but its capacity to generate affective registers, to evoke and to unsettle. It develops a distinctly archaeological approach to considerations of materiality and time within non-representational theories, placing an emphasis on matter, memory and haunting, absence and presence. It focuses on new temporalities arising from the time of the ‘event’, new materialisms that are ‘more-than-representational’, and new ways of performing and practicing the archaeological.

Esta tese se baseia no estudo da materialidade de potes (vasilhas cerâmicas de armazenamento de água) no cotidiano doméstico de populações sertanejas atuais, de acordo com as perspectivas teóricas da arqueologia do presente, arqueologia do passado contemporâneo e etnografia arqueológica. Estruturei a tese a partir do questionamento das razões que levaram a permanência de potes no dia a dia de loiceiras no agreste central pernambucano, em detrimento do abandono paulatino do uso de panelas de barro, dentre outros itens da loiça de barro. Exploro a materialidade dos potes a partir de suas relações com o meio semiárido e com os sertanejos, representados pelas loiceiras do agreste, apresentando-a dentro do cotidiano doméstico sertanejo sincrônica e diacronicamente dos pontos de vista histórico e etnográfico. Apresento documentação histórica primária relacionada à produção, comercialização e uso de potes desde finais do século XIX até meados do século XX. Abordo a etnografia em três vertentes: registrando os processos de manufatura de potes por loiceiras de Belo Jardim, Altinho e Bezerros, em Pernambuco; realizando uma etnografia da mudança e da permanência de itens de barro da cultura material sertaneja; e refletindo sobre a necessidade de salvaguarda do conhecimento tradicional envolvido no saber fazer loiça de barro, como patrimônio cultural imaterial. A partir da análise destes aspectos argumento que a permanência de potes no cotidiano doméstico sertanejo é uma forma de resistência ao meio semiárido, à marginalização destas populações e ao colonialismo, que é acionada a partir de uma memória afetiva relacionado ao uso destes potes. O presente trabalho foi realizado com apoio da Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior -Brasil (CAPES) - Código de Financiamento 001. / This thesis is based on the study of potes (emic category for storage water pottery) materiality in the domestic daily life context of contemporary rural populations, in accordance to the theoretical perspectives of present archeology, contemporary past archaeology and archaeological ethnography. I structured the thesis from questioning the reasons which led the potes to stay on the daily of loiceiras (woman potters) in the agreste central region of Pernambuco state - Brazil. At the same time, questioning the gradual abandonment of panelas de barro (emic category of pottery for cooking) use, among other items of loiça de barro (emic category for pottery in general). I explore the materiality of the potes from their relations with the semi-arid environment and with the sertanejos (peasants), represented by the loiceiras of the agreste, presenting it within the domestic daily life, synchronous and diachronically from the historical and ethnographic points of view. I present primary historical documentation related to the production, commercialization and use of potes from the end of the 19th century until the middle of the 20th century. I discuss the ethnography under three aspects. First recording the processes of potes production by loci of Belo Jardim, Altinho and Bezerros, in the state of Pernambuco. Second performing an ethnography of the change and the permanence of pottery items of the sertanejos material culture. Third place reflecting thinking about the traditional knowledge safeguard needs involved in knowhow of loiça de barro making as intangible cultural heritage. From the analysis of these aspects, I argue that the permanence of potes in sertanejos domestic daily life is a form of resistance to semi-arid environment, to marginalization of these populations and to colonialism, which is triggered from an affective memory related to the use of these potes. This study was financed in part by the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - Brasil (CAPES) - Finance Code 001.

Nearly two decades have passed since the strategic border security paradigm known as “prevention through deterrence” (PTD) took root in the landscape of Southern Arizona. The aim of PTD was to deter illicit migration by strategically amassing border security forces to funnel migrants into increasingly remote and treacherous territory where they would face increased risk. Indeed, risk was to be the prime factor of deterrence. Thousands of undocumented migrants died attempting to overcome those risks in an outcome known as the “funnel effect,” wherein migration patterns shifted to overcome bypass and overcome border security. When speaking about PTD taking root in southern Arizona, I mean that this geography is the locus of the funnel effect and has been since 2001. Southern Arizona represents the longest stretch of border walling in the United States and the highest concentrations of border security personnel and undocumented migration activity since the early 2000s. In this sense, this region is a useful point of focus for evaluating the outcomes and efficacy of the border security apparatus. Here, the PTD strategy has been physically tethered to the landscape as border security infrastructure has literally been dug into the ground. With the hundreds of border security infrastructure and wall projects have also come the hundreds of clandestine trails routed around them used by undocumented migrants, and hundreds of tons of left behind migrant survival materials like backpacks, water bottles, blankets, and rosaries. Over the years while border security has expanded, the evidence associated with migration has shifted in turn reflecting a dialectical engagement between the formal border security apparatus and the informal politics of migrants. While many scholars have studied either border security or the risks faced by migrants, few have looked at their mutual influence over time. This dissertation incorporated a multidisciplinary methodological approach, including ethnography, archival research, archaeology, and GIS technology. These methods allowed me to answer the following questions: What are the social and material effects of border enforcement policy on the ground? How have these changed over the 15 years of concentrated border enforcement in this area, both geographically and in terms of their volume and constitution? What are the stories, the experiences, and the tangible points on the landscape that mark these processes? I viewed the material signature of migration as a form of ruins both literally and metaphorically as they mark the scars of abandonment, loss, and failure. Following Walter Benjamin, I conceived of such ruins as an indictment of the political conditions that led to their formation. In the spirit of Benjamin, I also prioritized this form of marginalized material evidence. Questions of memory and materiality were also entwined with realities of absence and a search for fragmentary traces. I encountered this reality constantly in fieldwork, as when a place known to have been a major clandestine travel corridor for migration was often found completely cleared of all evidence of use. I also routinely walked past coordinates where migrant bodies were recovered, and where no evidence of that tragedy was left. A dialectical approach also highlighted how much more accessible and visible the actions related to the implementation of the United States border security were in relation to those of migrants. Further, the material evidence associated with migration was actively being removed, often as an environmental hazard. Thus, this project also came to encompass questions about the process of historical creation and heritage. Among those who live and work in the borderlands, this contemporary situation was already largely conceptualized in terms of its heritage potential. Will we remember this episode in history as we remember the Berlin Wall, or Japanese internment camps in the United States, as many of the border residents who participated in my project speculated? Certain public land managers along the border anticipated that their heritage future may well be as lands associated with the migration experience, circa the turn of the 21st century. It is acknowledged that this is a dark chapter of history. But, how does one curate history in the making? All of this inextricably links to issues of power. This is the power to decide what is culturally valuable or relevant, as well as the power to define historical narratives as they are made. Border security itself is about maintaining U.S. sovereignty, while defining the value of migrant lives and deaths as the border is secured. This is also a set of values that prioritizes border security over reform to the system that could facilitate labor migration. There is also a hierarchy to what survives between the monumental architecture of border security and the ephemeral tools and structures of clandestine migration. The latter are hidden and actively decaying while the former will stand the test of time. This dissertation analyzes the informal and the fragmentary side by side with the formal and monumental. What do decaying survival materials dropped by undocumented migrants, decaying migrant bodies in the wilderness, and hundreds of miles of clandestine smuggler trails in one of the most highly secured borderlands in one of the most powerful countries in the world say about power here? On a practical level, the accumulated evidence are read as an indictment of border security, revealing that the building of walls and surveillance structures have not stopped migration, though they have led to increasingly imperiled migrant journeys.

This project covers the development of a model framework intended to allow researchers of the archaeology of the Cold War to recognise a range of behaviours played out on military sites. The order and chaos model developed and utilised in this thesis introduces a heterotopian landscape populated by the Royal Observer Corps. Through a process of archaeological fieldwork a number of behavioural traits are recognised and discussed here for the first time. The group in question is fully researched, providing a historiography of the practice played out during the groups life-cycle. The landscape archaeology is discussed and contextualised by narration from the volunteers who once operated the posts. A range of case studies are introduced confirming the validity of the order and chaos model and potential for application elsewhere. Finally, the findings are discussed in detail and a proposal for the next step in the research are revealed.

This essay describes the artistic project Skolbrandsarkeologi (school fire archeology) and operates within the field of contemporary archaeology. The essay presents three examples of when contemporary archaeology has played a role in, or contributed to, the healing of individuals or of relatives to people who have experienced traumatic events. These examples are then discussed in relation to the artistic project Skolbrandsarkeologi. The essay also explores the role that physical objects can play for memories and the various ethical challenges that the discipline of contemporary archeology may face. The results indicate that contemporary archaeology, both on its own and in collaborations with other disciplines, can have a positive therapeutic impact on the memories and experiences of traumatic events.

The recent history of the Turkana of northern Kenya has rarely been explored in detail, a fact that corresponds with, and to a large extent facilitates, their regular portrayal in the popular press as passive, unchanging and therefore vulnerable in the face of ongoing and ensuing socio-economic transformations. Such visions of the Turkana and the region in which they live have, via their manifestation in the policies and practices of development-orientated interventions, actively inhibited (although never fully arrested) the fulfilment of various local desires and aspirations over the years. In addressing these topics, this thesis provides some hitherto largely unexplored and unrecognised historical context to the many socio-economic and political issues surrounding Turkana's ongoing development. It discusses interdisciplinary research which combined archaeological and ethnographic techniques and was undertaken amongst communities engaged in the most prominent livelihoods that have historically underlain the Turkana pastoral economy: fishing (akichem), cultivation (akitare), herding (akiyok) and raiding (aremor). In doing so, it draws attention to some of the ways in which these communities have actively and dynamically negotiated broad economic, environmental and political transformations over the last century and beyond, thereby providing a picture of social change and long-term continuity that might serve as a means for a more critical assessment of regional development over the coming years. By weaving together a series of historical narratives that emerge from a consideration of the changing production, use and exchange of material culture, the thesis builds an understanding of Turkana's history that diverges from more standard, implicitly accepted notions of recent change in such regions of the world that envisage globalisation purely as a process of convergence or homogenisation. Its central argument, which it demonstrates using various examples, is that seemingly disruptive transformations in daily practices, social institutions, livelihoods and systems of livelihood interaction can be envisaged as articulations of longer-term continuities, emerging from a set of durable yet open-ended dispositions within Turkana society and culture. Moreover, rather than being built on a stable, passive repertoire of cultural knowledge, the thesis shows that this capacity for change is established upon a dynamic generative process where value systems and institutions are reconfigured to the same extent as daily practices and skills, as knowledge is continually reconstituted and recast in relation to the shifting constraints and possibilities of daily life. It thus characterises this process as a form of resilience that is deeply rooted in and determinant of the Turkana pastoral economy.

O objetivo desta tese é analisar a relação entre saberes locais e arqueológicos na construção do conhecimento sobre o passado, usando da metodologia etnográfica, e com base nos conceitos de arqueologia pública e patrimônio arqueológico. Como estudo de caso, escolhi o sítio arqueológico \"Charqueada Santa Bárbara\", fragmento de uma antiga estancia de produção de charque (carne seca) de mesmo nome, em Pelotas/RS. Com isso, minha pesquisa esteve associada ao projeto O Pampa Negro: Arqueologia da escravidão na região meridional do Rio Grande do Sul (1780-1888), coordenado por Lucio Menezes Ferreira. Como ferramentas de análise, tomei como guia cinco conceitos específicos: representação social, memória, paisagem, narrativa e agência. Como resultado, defendo três pontos essenciais. Primeiro, que a arqueologia pública não se deixe fagocitar pelas estratégias de mercado, e permaneça como um veio da disciplina preocupado com produção de conhecimento crítico sobre o passado, e com uma postura engajada no presente. Segundo, que patrimônio é uma categoria Estatal de gestão do espaço e memória social. Como tal, ela não é análoga à relações de afeto desenvolvidas entre pessoas e coisas. Mas concede à arqueologia um poder, mesmo que pequeno, sobre as condições sociais e histórias que serão representadas no patrimônio arqueológico, e devemos usar esse poder pelo viés da arqueologia pública como defendo. Por fim, em consonância com os demais resultados, busquei produzir uma narrativa de história recente sobre os moradores que ainda vivem sobre o sítio arqueológico. Para isso, analisei suas materialidades cotidianas, que se mostraram mais representativas de suas histórias, e também de histórias mais críticas sobre o passado de Pelotas. Entre tantos temas identificados pela etnografia, escolhi falar sobre história das mulheres na Chácara. / The aim of this thesis is to analyze the relationship between local and archaeological expertise in the construction of knowledge about the past, using an ethnographic method, and based on the concepts of public archeology and archaeological heritage. As a case study, I chose the archaeological site of \"Charqueada Santa Bárbara\", a fragment of an old plantation of charque production (jerked beaf) of the same name, in Pelotas/RS/Brazil. My research was associated to the project The Pampa Negro: Archeology of slavery in the southern region of Rio Grande do Sul (1780-1888), coordinated by Lucio Menezes Ferreira. Among so many themes identified by ethnography, I chose to talk about the history of women in Chácara Santa Bárbara. As tools of analysis, I followed the path of five particular concepts: social representation, memory, landscape, narrative, and agency. As a result, I advocate three essential points. First, public archeology must remain a branch of discipline concerned with producing critical knowledge about the past and an engaged political stance in the present while disallowing itself to be absorbed by marketing strategies. Second, heritage is a State category for space and social memory management. As such, it is not analogous to the affective relations developed between persons and things. Nonetheless, it gives archeology the power to help define social conditions and stories that will be represented in the archaeological heritage, and we must use that power to show critical and socially responsible versions of the past. Finally, according to these premises, I tried to produce a recent historical narrative about the residents who still live at Charqueada Santa Bárbara. For that, I analyzed their daily material culture, which were more representative of their life stories, and of more critical pictures of Pelotas\' past.

O objetivo desta tese é analisar a relação entre saberes locais e arqueológicos na construção do conhecimento sobre o passado, usando da metodologia etnográfica, e com base nos conceitos de arqueologia pública e patrimônio arqueológico. Como estudo de caso, escolhi o sítio arqueológico \"Charqueada Santa Bárbara\", fragmento de uma antiga estancia de produção de charque (carne seca) de mesmo nome, em Pelotas/RS. Com isso, minha pesquisa esteve associada ao projeto O Pampa Negro: Arqueologia da escravidão na região meridional do Rio Grande do Sul (1780-1888), coordenado por Lucio Menezes Ferreira. Como ferramentas de análise, tomei como guia cinco conceitos específicos: representação social, memória, paisagem, narrativa e agência. Como resultado, defendo três pontos essenciais. Primeiro, que a arqueologia pública não se deixe fagocitar pelas estratégias de mercado, e permaneça como um veio da disciplina preocupado com produção de conhecimento crítico sobre o passado, e com uma postura engajada no presente. Segundo, que patrimônio é uma categoria Estatal de gestão do espaço e memória social. Como tal, ela não é análoga à relações de afeto desenvolvidas entre pessoas e coisas. Mas concede à arqueologia um poder, mesmo que pequeno, sobre as condições sociais e histórias que serão representadas no patrimônio arqueológico, e devemos usar esse poder pelo viés da arqueologia pública como defendo. Por fim, em consonância com os demais resultados, busquei produzir uma narrativa de história recente sobre os moradores que ainda vivem sobre o sítio arqueológico. Para isso, analisei suas materialidades cotidianas, que se mostraram mais representativas de suas histórias, e também de histórias mais críticas sobre o passado de Pelotas. Entre tantos temas identificados pela etnografia, escolhi falar sobre história das mulheres na Chácara. / The aim of this thesis is to analyze the relationship between local and archaeological expertise in the construction of knowledge about the past, using an ethnographic method, and based on the concepts of public archeology and archaeological heritage. As a case study, I chose the archaeological site of \"Charqueada Santa Bárbara\", a fragment of an old plantation of charque production (jerked beaf) of the same name, in Pelotas/RS/Brazil. My research was associated to the project The Pampa Negro: Archeology of slavery in the southern region of Rio Grande do Sul (1780-1888), coordinated by Lucio Menezes Ferreira. Among so many themes identified by ethnography, I chose to talk about the history of women in Chácara Santa Bárbara. As tools of analysis, I followed the path of five particular concepts: social representation, memory, landscape, narrative, and agency. As a result, I advocate three essential points. First, public archeology must remain a branch of discipline concerned with producing critical knowledge about the past and an engaged political stance in the present while disallowing itself to be absorbed by marketing strategies. Second, heritage is a State category for space and social memory management. As such, it is not analogous to the affective relations developed between persons and things. Nonetheless, it gives archeology the power to help define social conditions and stories that will be represented in the archaeological heritage, and we must use that power to show critical and socially responsible versions of the past. Finally, according to these premises, I tried to produce a recent historical narrative about the residents who still live at Charqueada Santa Bárbara. For that, I analyzed their daily material culture, which were more representative of their life stories, and of more critical pictures of Pelotas\' past.