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Managing overabundant and mobile wildlife: social and institutional dimensions of kangaroo harvest in South Australia.Thomsen, Dana Arlene January 2007 (has links)
In South Australia, overabundant kangaroo populations are managed through commercial harvest. Kangaroo harvest rates over the past decade have averaged only 40% of the harvest quota despite strong demand for the product. With kangaroo populations increasing, the problem of low kangaroo harvest rate in South Australia requires research attention. Previous research regarding kangaroo harvest has focused on questions of biology and ecology and little attention has been directed towards advancing understanding of the human dimensions of kangaroo management. This research sought to fill this gap in knowledge. Qualitative research methods were most appropriate due to the focus on social and institutional dimensions of kangaroo management. Data were collected during interviews with people involved in commercial kangaroo harvest: landholders, harvesters and meat processors. The main topics covered were regnlations and policy, economic issues, the rights and interests of various industry stakeholders and South Australian harvest rates. The views of Aboriginal people were also sought including the significance of kangaroos to Aboriginal people, access to kangaroos for subsistence harvest, kangaroo management and the kangaroo industry. The main findings of this research are presented as a series of peer-reviewed articles: • Article I introduces the research topic and presents preliminary findings of this study. • Article 2 establishes that an increase in South Australia's low harvest rate is needed if kangaroo harvest is to make greater contributions to regional communities, and recommends institutional reform to meet this goal. • Article 3 examines the management regime for kangaroos in South Australia and shows how the informal rules in use are often incongruent with the formal rules established by management administrators. • Article 4 describes the undervalued position of landholders in the kangaroo industry and the obstacles to landholders deriving income from kangaroo harvest. • Article 5 discusses the cultural basis of Aboriginal perspectives on kangaroo harvest and includes suggestions for appropriate ways for Aboriginal people to contribute to kangaroo management. The main findings of this research were applied in a comparative study of kangaroo management with that of moose management in Finland. This study found that similar social and institutional factors impact on the management of moose and kangaroos. The broad lessons for wildlife management drawn from the comparative study are: • mobile wildlife resources require flexible management systems • stakeholder involvement is critical to management • hunters/harvesters are conservative of their resource base • declining harvester numbers need to be addressed through support, incentives and training. These lessons can be applied in part, or in whole, to other overabundant and mobile wildlife species. Thus this thesis makes contribution to kangaroo management by making specific recommendations for the industry, but also contributes to wildlife management in a broader sense through the application of findings to other species. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1298303 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Agriculture, Food and Wine, 2007
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Managing overabundant and mobile wildlife: social and institutional dimensions of kangaroo harvest in South Australia.Thomsen, Dana Arlene January 2007 (has links)
In South Australia, overabundant kangaroo populations are managed through commercial harvest. Kangaroo harvest rates over the past decade have averaged only 40% of the harvest quota despite strong demand for the product. With kangaroo populations increasing, the problem of low kangaroo harvest rate in South Australia requires research attention. Previous research regarding kangaroo harvest has focused on questions of biology and ecology and little attention has been directed towards advancing understanding of the human dimensions of kangaroo management. This research sought to fill this gap in knowledge. Qualitative research methods were most appropriate due to the focus on social and institutional dimensions of kangaroo management. Data were collected during interviews with people involved in commercial kangaroo harvest: landholders, harvesters and meat processors. The main topics covered were regnlations and policy, economic issues, the rights and interests of various industry stakeholders and South Australian harvest rates. The views of Aboriginal people were also sought including the significance of kangaroos to Aboriginal people, access to kangaroos for subsistence harvest, kangaroo management and the kangaroo industry. The main findings of this research are presented as a series of peer-reviewed articles: • Article I introduces the research topic and presents preliminary findings of this study. • Article 2 establishes that an increase in South Australia's low harvest rate is needed if kangaroo harvest is to make greater contributions to regional communities, and recommends institutional reform to meet this goal. • Article 3 examines the management regime for kangaroos in South Australia and shows how the informal rules in use are often incongruent with the formal rules established by management administrators. • Article 4 describes the undervalued position of landholders in the kangaroo industry and the obstacles to landholders deriving income from kangaroo harvest. • Article 5 discusses the cultural basis of Aboriginal perspectives on kangaroo harvest and includes suggestions for appropriate ways for Aboriginal people to contribute to kangaroo management. The main findings of this research were applied in a comparative study of kangaroo management with that of moose management in Finland. This study found that similar social and institutional factors impact on the management of moose and kangaroos. The broad lessons for wildlife management drawn from the comparative study are: • mobile wildlife resources require flexible management systems • stakeholder involvement is critical to management • hunters/harvesters are conservative of their resource base • declining harvester numbers need to be addressed through support, incentives and training. These lessons can be applied in part, or in whole, to other overabundant and mobile wildlife species. Thus this thesis makes contribution to kangaroo management by making specific recommendations for the industry, but also contributes to wildlife management in a broader sense through the application of findings to other species. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1298303 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Agriculture, Food and Wine, 2007
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Agro-ecology of Malva parviflora (small-flowered mallow) in the Mediterranean-climatic agricultural region of Western AustraliaMichael, Pippa J. January 2006 (has links)
[Truncated abstract] Malva parviflora L. (small-flowered mallow) (Malvaceae) is a common weed of pastures and wastelands and its distribution has increased rapidly throughout Australia during the last decade. Control of M. parviflora with herbicides, such as glyphosate, is often unsatisfactory and changing farming practices, such as minimum tillage, have facilitated its spread. Yet there has been little research on M. parviflora in the past and many aspects of its biology and ecology are unknown. Hence, there exists a need to examine these aspects in order to investigate and develop suitable integrated weed management strategies. Weed identification is the first and probably the most important step in the management of weeds. Here it is shown that the weedy Malva species in Western Australian farming systems is M. parviflora, and not a morphologically similar Malva species or hybrid of two species. A common garden study of 24 populations collected across the agricultural region of south-west Western Australia revealed that since its introduction over 140 years ago M. parviflora has successfully adapted to a wide range of distinct environments. The species is able to thrive in areas that vary in annual rainfall from 315 to 496 mm, maximum average temperatures from 21.9 to 26.8oC and minimum average temperatures from 9 to 13.6oC. However, there was limited broad scale ecoclinal differentiation and low genetic variation within the common garden study with only length of time between sowing and flowering differing between populations. As the species was shown to possess a predominately inbreeding system, which typically would create ecotypes/ecoclines due to limited gene flow, it was suggested that seed dispersal by sheep is likely to have increased gene flow thus suppressing population differentiation. A considerable proportion of mature hardseeded M. parviflora can survive rumen digestion and mastication by sheep. ... With origins thought to be in the Mediterranean region, it is not surprising that M. parviflora has thrived and prospered in south-west Western Australia. This thesis has determined several aspects that have enabled it to flourish in this Mediterranean-type environment and most of these attributes, including autogamous reproduction, ecoclinal/ecotypic formation, dormancy and asynchronous germination and rapid seed development, are commonly found in successful weeds world-wide.
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Alternative grazing systems and pasture types for the South West of Western Australia : a bio-economic analysisSounness, Marcus Neil January 2005 (has links)
Alternative grazing systems and pasture types for wool production in the south west of Western Australia were analysed using bio-economic modelling techniques in order to determine their relative productivity and profitability. After reviewing the experimental and modelling literature on perennial pastures and grazing systems, seven case studies of farmers were conducted in order to investigate the practical application of innovative grazing systems and use of perennial pastures. Together these case studies provided information for identifying relevant variables and for calibrating the modelling work which followed. The core of the work lies in a bio-economic model for investigating the comparative value of the three grazing systems and two pasture families mentioned above. A baseline scenario using currently available and reliable scientific data provides baseline results, after which a number of sensitivity analyses provide further insights using variations of four key parameters: persistence, heterogeneity, water soluble carbohydrates, and increased losses. Results show that perennial pastures are in the studied region more profitable than annual pastures. Under current baseline conditions, continuous grazing with perennial pastures is the most profitable enterprise, but this superiority is not robust under parameter variations defined by other scenarios. The more robust solution in terms of enterprise profitability is cell grazing with perennial pastures. The results indicate that intensive grazing systems such as cell grazing have the potential to substantially increase the profitability of grazing operations on perennial pasture. This result is an encouraging one in light of its implications for water uptake and salinity control. It means that economics and land care can go hand in hand, rather than be competitive. It is to be noted that it is the choice of the grazing system in combination with the pasture species, rather then the pasture species itself, that allows for such complementarity between economics and sustainable land use. This research shows that if farmers adopt practices such as cell grazing they may be able to increase the area that they can profitably plant to perennial pasture thus reducing the impacts of dryland salinity. This finding is consistent with the findings of the case studies where the farmers perceived that, provided grazing was planned, increasing the intensity of their grazing management and the perenniallity of their pastures would result in an increase in the profitability of their grazing operation. As a result this research helps to bridge a gap which has existed in this area of research, between the results of scientific research and those reported in practice.
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Growing mallee eucalypts as short-rotation tree crops in the semi-arid wheatbelt of Western AustraliaWildy, Daniel Thomas January 2004 (has links)
[Truncated abstract] Insufficient water use by annual crop and pasture species leading to costly rises in saline watertables has prompted research into potentially profitable deep-rooted perennial species in the Western Australian wheatbelt. Native mallee eucalypts are currently being developed as a short-rotation coppice crop for production of leaf oils, activated carbon and bio-electricity for low rainfall areas (300—450 mm) too dry for many of the traditional timber and forage species. The research in this study was aimed at developing a knowledge base necessary to grow and manage coppiced mallee eucalypts for both high productivity and salinity control. This firstly necessitated identification of suitable species, climatic and site requirements favourable to rapid growth, and understanding of factors likely to affect yield of the desirable leaf oil constituent, 1,8-cineole. This was undertaken using nine mallee taxa at twelve sites with two harvest regimes. E. kochii subsp. plenissima emerged as showing promise in the central and northern wheatbelt, particularly at a deep acid sand site (Gn 2.61; Northcote, 1979), so further studies focussed on physiology of its resprouting, water use and water-use efficiency at a similar site near Kalannie. Young E. kochii trees were well equipped with large numbers of meristematic foci and adequate root starch reserves to endure repeated shoot removal. The cutting season and interval between cuts were then demonstrated to have a strong influence on productivity, since first-year coppice growth was slow and root systems appeared to cease in secondary growth during the first 1.5—2.5 years after cutting. After decapitation, trees altered their physiology to promote rapid replacement of shoots. Compared to uncut trees, leaves of coppices were formed with a low carbon content per unit area, and showed high stomatal conductance accompanied by high leaf photosynthetic rates. Whole-plant water use efficiency of coppiced trees was unusually high due to their fast relative growth rates associated with preferential investments of photosynthates into regenerating canopies rather than roots. Despite relatively small leaf areas on coppice shoots over the two years following decapitation, high leaf transpiration rates resulted in coppices using water at rates far in excess of that falling as rain on the tree belt area. Water budgets showed that 20 % of the study paddock would have been needed as 0—2 year coppices in 5 m wide twin-row belts in order to maintain hydrological balance over the study period. Maximum water use occurred where uncut trees were accessing a fresh perched aquifer, but where this was not present water budgets still showed transpiration of uncut trees occurring at rates equivalent to 3—4 times rainfall incident on the tree belt canopy. In this scenario, only 10 % of the paddock surface would have been required under 5 m wide tree belts to restore hydrological balance, but competition losses in adjacent pasture would have been greater
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Thinking about the responsible parent : freedom and educating the child in Western AustraliaMcGowan, Wayne S. January 2004 (has links)
This study is concerned with how educational legislation shapes and uses freedom for the purpose of governing the parent. The key question guiding the study was: How does the Act constitute the ‘parent’ as a subject position responsible for schooling the child? Central to the work is an examination of the School Education Act 1999 (the Act) using Foucault’s thinking on governmentality. This is prefaced by historical accounts that bring together freedom and childhood as contrived styles of conduct that provide the governmental logic behind the Act. The study reveals how the Act shapes and uses the truth of freedom/childhood to construct the responsible parent as a style of conduct pegged to a neo-liberal political rationality of government. It is this political rationality that provides the node or point of encounter between the technologies of power and the self within the Act which forms the ‘responsible’ identity of the parent as an active self-governing entrepreneur made more visible by the political construction of ‘others.’ This is a legal-political subjectivity centred on the truth of freedom/childhood and a neo-liberal rationality of government that believes that any change to our current ethical way of being in relation to educating the child would ruin the very freedoms upon which our civilised lifestyle depends. In essence, the Act relies on the production of ‘others’ as the poor, Aboriginal and radical who must be regulated and made autonomous to constitute the ‘parent’ as an active consumer whose autonomous educational choices are an expression of responsibility in relation to schooling the child
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Marijuana Australiana: Cannabis use, popular culture and the Americanisation of drugs policy in Australia, 1938-1988Jiggens, John Lawrence January 2004 (has links)
The word 'marijuana' was introduced to Australia by the US Bureau of Narcotics via the Diggers newspaper, Smith's Weekly, in 1938. Marijuana was said to be 'a new drug that maddens victims' and it was sensationally described as an 'evil sex drug'. The resulting tabloid furore saw the plant cannabis sativa banned in Australia, even though cannabis had been a well-known and widely used drug in Australia for many decades. In 1964, a massive infestation of wild cannabis was found growing along a stretch of the Hunter River between Singleton and Maitland in New South Wales. The explosion in Australian marijuana use began there. It was fuelled after 1967 by US soldiers on rest and recreation leave from Vietnam. It was the Baby-Boomer young who were turning on. Pot smoking was overwhelmingly associated with the generation born in the decade after the Second World War. As the conflict over the Vietnam War raged in Australia, it provoked intense generational conflict between the Baby-Boomers and older generations. Just as in the US, pot was adopted by Australian Baby-Boomers as their symbol; and, as in the US, the attack on pot users served as code for an attack on the young, the Left, and the alternative. In 1976, the 'War on Drugs' began in earnest in Australia with paramilitary attacks on the hippie colonies at Cedar Bay in Queensland and Tuntable Falls in New South Wales. It was a time of increasing US style prohibition characterised by 'tough-on-drugs' right-wing rhetoric, police crackdowns, numerous murders, and a marijuana drought followed quickly by a heroin plague; in short by a massive worsening of 'the drug problem'. During this decade, organised crime moved into the pot scene and the price of pot skyrocketed, reaching $450 an ounce in 1988. Thanks to the Americanisation of drugs policy, the black market made 'a killing'. In Marijuana Australiana I argue that the 'War on Drugs' developed -- not for health reasons -- but for reasons of social control; as a domestic counter-revolution against the Whitlamite, Baby-Boomer generation by older Nixonite Drug War warriors like Queensland Premier, Bjelke-Petersen. It was a misuse of drugs policy which greatly worsened drug problems, bringing with it American-style organised crime. As the subtitle suggests, Marijuana Australiana relies significantly on 'alternative' sources, and I trawl the waters of popular culture, looking for songs, posters, comics and underground magazines to produce an 'underground' history of cannabis in Australia. This 'pop' approach is balanced with a hard-edged, quantitative analysis of the size of the marijuana market, the movement of price, and the seizure figures in the section called 'History By Numbers'. As Alfred McCoy notes, we need to understand drugs as commodities. It is only through a detailed understanding of the drug trade that the deeper secrets of this underground world can be revealed. In this section, I present an economic history of the cannabis market and formulate three laws of the market.
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