History has proven that, if freed from the grasp of the unitary executive, the elected Attorney General flourishes as a lawyer for the law dedicated above all else to the "public interest." In light of these proven benefits, the pressing question becomes whether this tested design can help the people of Africa as they fight to reclaim their wayward governments. Might a popularly elected Attorney General steady the bridge so Africa can pass through to freedom and prosperity? More immediately, does the divided executive with its elected attorney general represent a new hope for Africa in combating corruption? The author takes a critical look at the evolution of the elected Attorney General and uses the role of the Attorney General in the United States of America as an example. The author concludes that perhaps now is the time to start creating the history of Africa’s ultimate escape from the endless vestiges of colonialism still embedded in the unitary executive. Maybe now is the time for the peoples of Africa to borrow an idea from their American cousins and get their own lawyer! / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Mr. Tilahun Teshome in association with the Addis Ababa University / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Corruption remains one of the most enduring phenomenon across the world and notably in Sub Saharan Africa where its scope and depth still culminate generally at distressing levels to a greater or lesser extent across countries and regions. This study presents an empirical analysis of the causes and association types of corruption across SADC countries. Through quantitative methods of analysis, it delivers an assessment of the conditional effect of the human capital and social development along with their respective and combined impact on a corruption model using panel data and multivariate regression estimates across the fifteen SADC countries for the period 2005 - 2013. The research then identifies other covariates economic or institutional - and their functional dependence to the hypothesised triad nexus - that may predict the diversity of corruption level outcomes in the region.The hypotheses considered and tested suggest that both human capital (HC) and social development (SD) are key determinants of corruption outcome levels. We report consistently strong R squared (R2) and high magnitude coefficients for the two variables under several estimation models and for various other control economic and governance variables. For robustness testing, alternate measures of corruption are also used. The results mostly but not entirely support the initial findings. The inclusion of the institutional variables does not confirm for SADC countries the largely found negative association of corruption with democracy and press freedom. Hence young and developing democracies across the region may not benefit from lower levels of corruption in the short run as institutional frameworks in formation remain weak. Meanwhile this research did not allow to derive clear arguments in relation to true causality and effects’ directions. The results remain agnostic with regards to causation between corruption and the selected explanatory variables. In the end human capital and social development in particular were found to be strong and consistent predictors of corruption control and the associations remain robust and significant under numerous specifications. While omnipresent rhetoric has largely focused on the political dimensions of corruption this study provides a substantial evidence and a nuance contribution to knowledge and literature to the concept of corruption by introducing the interaction effects of human capital and social development which indicate that both explanatory variables are consistent predictors of corruption control levels. In the footsteps of Sen’s theory, it offers a new frame which grants an understanding of the phenomenon of corruption from a capability and human development approach as a new avenue for research. All of which has crucial policy implications for concerned governments. Indeed, efforts to stamp out corruption should be designed first to eliminate or mitigate the root - conditions of its incidence focusing on policies geared towards better education and higher living standards. Relying chiefly on oversight agencies and lending disproportionate attention to enforcement actions and regulatory frameworks would indeed prove to be a misplaced priority. Fundamentally this thesis argues a new scheme of intelligibility, a renewed “episteme” of corruption which refers to the order of human developmental structures underlying the production of corrupt practices. / Business Management / D.B.L.

Foreign aid aims to improve economic conditions and quality of life in developing countries. The literature on the efficacy of foreign aid to date has been inconclusive; yet there is some evidence that institutional factors may condition the relationship between aid and development. This research focuses on the effects of foreign aid on development, taking into consideration the effects of political institutional factors as intervening in the connection between aid and development. Specifically, this study considers the effects of democracy (political rights and civil liberties) and level of corruption on the relationship between aid and development in sub-Saharan Africa. Development is determined by the Human Development Index, which takes into account gross national income, life expectancy, and education level. My findings indicate that aid is ineffective at promoting development in sub-Saharan Africa. Additionally, it is found that democracy, as determined by level of political freedom, is positively associated to development in aid recipient countries. HIV prevalence rate, the location of the country relative to the coastline, and percent of arable land were found to be significant factors affecting development. The level of corruption and political stability do not have a significant effect on development. The study is conducted using a cross-national, longitudinal, statistical model. The impact of foreign aid on development is examined for 45 countries over a fourteen-year period, from 1995 to 2009. The results of the study show that foreign aid has a negative effect on development, yet development is affected by level of democracy, geographical location, percent of arable land, and HIV prevalence rate. Development is higher in countries located on the coastline, with a higher percentage of arable land, a higher level of democracy, and a higher rate of HIV.

Text in English, abstract in English, Afrikaans and Northern Sotho / This study examines why post-colonial African states are not able to institutionalise the ideal ethical and democratic societies, given their access to international best practices and the abundance of human and natural resources; why the future of democracy in Africa remains uncertain despite the current efforts at democratisation; if western democracy can be implemented in Africa; why the West is able to produce better systems of governance; why leaders and managers find it daunting to create the kind of society that is inspiring, ethical, immune to bureaucracy, and that possesses excellent economic performance; how leaders, members of the community, bureaucrats, corporate executives and managers can contribute to the realisation of the ethical and ideal African state; and the options for alternative democratic order for the African continent. The inability of post-colonial African states to institute systems and strategies that adequately address the needs and expectations of their citizens has created chaos and anarchy that in some states can be likened to Hobbes state of nature where the weak is at the mercy of the strong and life is nasty, brutish and short. While the West has been largely blamed for playing a significant role in Africa’s inability to effectively manage itself, other theorists criticise African leaders and the community members for their inability to conduct themselves ethically and to implement a constructive and effective system of governance. It is imperative that African states devise adequate means of ethically administering their territories in a manner that meets societal expectations and needs, and in order to avoid intractable socio-political and economic complications. / Hierdie studie ondersoek die redes waarom postkoloniale Afrika-lande nie die ideale etiese en demokratiese samelewings instabiliseer nie, gegewe hul toegang tot internasionale beste praktyke en die oorvloed van menslike en natuurlike hulpbronne; waarom die toekoms van demokrasie in Afrika onduidelik bly ten spyte van die huidige pogings vir demokratisering; as westerse demokrasie in Afrika geïmplementeer kan word; waarom die Weste beter stelsels van bestuur kan lewer; hoekom leiers en bestuurders dit skrikwekkend vind om die soort samelewing wat inspirerend, eties, immuun vir burokrasie is, te skep en wat uitstekende ekonomiese prestasie besit; hoe leiers, lede van die gemeenskap, burokrate, korporatiewe bestuurders en bestuurders kan bydra tot die verwesenliking van die etiese en ideale Afrika-staat; en die opsies vir alternatiewe demokratiese orde vir die Afrika-kontinent. Die onvermoë van post-koloniale Afrika-state om stelsels en strategieë in te stel wat die behoeftes en verwagtinge van hul burgers voldoende aanspreek, het chaos en anargie geskep wat in sommige state vergelykbaar kan wees met Hobbes se toestand van die natuur, waar die swakeling aan die genade van die wat sterk is afhanklik is en die lewe ‘n nare, brutaal en kort lewe is. Terwyl die Weste grotendeels die blaam kry in terme van hul groot bydra in Afrika se onvermoë om homself doeltreffend te bestuur, kritiseer ander teoretici Afrika-leiers en die gemeenskapslede vir hul eie onvermoë om eties op te tree en om 'n konstruktiewe en effektiewe bestuurstelsel te implementeer. Dit is noodsaaklik dat Afrika-state voldoende middele voorsien om hul gebiede eties te administreer op 'n wyse wat voldoen aan maatskaplike verwagtinge en behoeftes, en om onwikkelbare sosio-politieke en ekonomiese komplikasies te vermy. / Thuto ye e lekola mabaka a gore ke eng dinaga tša ka morago ga bokoloneale di sa kgone go hloma dipeakanyo tša maswanedi tša maitshwaro le ditšhaba tša temokrasi, tšeo di filwego phihlelelo go ditiro tše kaonekaone tša boditšhabatšhaba le bontši bja methopo ya semotho le tlhago: ke ka lebaka la eng Bodikela bo kgona go tšweletša mekgwa ye kaone ya pušo; ke ka lebaka la eng baetapele le balaodi ba hwetša go le boima go hlama mokgwa wa setšhaba seo se nago le mafolofolo, maitshwaro, se sa huetšwego ke mokgwa wa pušo wo o diphetho di tšewago ke bahlanka ba mmušo bao ba sa kgethwago, gomme ba na le tiro ye kgahlišago ka ikonomi; ka moo baetapele, maloko a setšhaba, batšeasephetho ba mmušo ba sa kgethwago, malokopharephare a dikoporasi le balaodi ba ka aba mo go phihlelelong ya maitshwaro le naga ya maswanedi ya Afrika; le go dikgetho tša peakanyo ye e hlatlolanago ya temokrasi mo kontinenteng ya Afrika. Go se kgone ga dinaga tša ka morago ga bokoloneale go hlama mekgwa le maano ao a maleba a go bolela ka ga dinyakwa le ditetelo tša baagi ba bona di hlotše tlhakatlhakano le tlhokapušo yeo mo go dinaga tše dingwe e ka bapetšwago le naga ya Hobbes ka tlhago moo mofokodi a lego ka fase ga yo maatla gomme bophelo bo se bose, bo le šoro le go ba bjo bokopana. Mola Bodikela bo pharwa molato kudu mo go bapaleng karolo ye e tšweletšego mo go se kgonego ga Afrika go itaola ka tshwanelo, borateori ba bangwe ba solago baetapele ba Afrika le maloko a setšhaba mo go se kgonego go itshwara gabotse le go phethagatša mokgwa wo hlamilwego gabotse wo o šomago wa pušo. A bonagala gore dinaga tša Afrika di loga maano a makaone a go laola ka tshwanelo dinagadilete tša bona ka mokgwa wo o tla fihlelelago ditetelo tša setšhaba le dinyakwa, le gore go thibelwe go se boelemorago ga dipolotiki tša selegae le tlhakatlhakano ya ikonomi. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Philosophy)