Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of International Relations in the Faculty of Humanities Department of International Relations, 2016 / A feud between the African Union (AU) and the International Criminal Court (ICC) has been dragging for a while now. The indictment of President Omar Hassan Ahmad alBashir of Sudan and President Uhuru Kenyatta and his deputy president William Ruto in Kenya altered the cosy relations between the two organisations. Firstly, the AU contends that the ICC cannot prosecute heads of states that have immunity under international law. Secondly, the ICC disturbs the ongoing peace processes with its investigations. The AU accused the ICC of selecting African states for prosecution; as a protracted form of imperialism by prevailing western powers. Withstanding, some of the AU member states that are party to the ICC have willingly signed up to its jurisdiction. Besides, the AU’s founding documents support the fight against grave atrocities. Nonetheless, the AU has failed dismally to live up to the principles it endorses- which tantamount to hypocrisy. The contradictory rhetoric of the AU towards the ICC is not exclusive to the AU, but to international organisations due to conflicting pressures in external environments. The paper explains this empirical phenomenon by applying Organised Hypocrisy (OH) to capture such contradictory behaviour prone to international organisations. / XL2018

Hui Chark-shum. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 157-163). / Abstract also in Chinese. / Abstract --- p.3 / Introduction --- p.5 / Chapter 1. --- Literature Review and Theoretical Orientation --- p.8 / Chapter 1.1 --- key concepts --- p.8 / Chapter 1.2 --- state and social action --- p.11 / Chapter 1.3 --- the consensus and conflictual models --- p.15 / Chapter 1.4 --- the refined framework --- p.27 / Chapter 2. --- Research Problem and Empirical Framework --- p.35 / Chapter 2.1 --- research method --- p.35 / Chapter 2.2 --- Hong Kong history: viewing from the top --- p.39 / Chapter 2.3 --- Hong Kong history: viewing from bottom --- p.45 / Chapter 2.4 --- crime trend in Hong Kong --- p.50 / Chapter 2.5 --- official description of social unrest: a quick look --- p.61 / Chapter 2.6 --- comparing three modes of criminalisation --- p.74 / Chapter 3. --- Evolution of the Institutional Framework --- p.78 / Chapter 3.1 --- the deport-mode --- p.80 / Chapter 3.2 --- the societies-mode --- p.93 / Chapter 3.3 --- the disorder-mode --- p.100 / Chapter 3.4 --- comparing the three: the locus of change --- p.106 / Chapter 4. --- Civil Strifes and the State Responses --- p.116 / Chapter 4.1 --- incidents under undifferentiated phases --- p.118 / Chapter 4.2 --- incidents under deport-mode and societies-mode --- p.123 / Chapter 4.3 --- incidents under societies-mode --- p.128 / Chapter 4.4 --- incidents under disorder-mode --- p.133 / Chapter 4.5 --- concluding remark --- p.139 / Chapter 5. --- Conclusion / Appendix: Civil strifes in HK 1948-1980 --- p.153 / Bibliography --- p.157

published_or_final_version / Criminology / Master / Master of Social Sciences

published_or_final_version / Social Work / Master / Master of Social Work

published_or_final_version / Social Work / Master / Master of Social Work

This study examines elite discourse about crime and criminality in modern Mexico. This discourse was intimately connected to discussions of citizenship (and thus inclusion in the Mexican nation-state) which became increasingly important after Independence from Spain in 1821. Elites recognized that a broad, egalitarian definition of citizenship was a potent source of legitimation for a nation in the throes of self-definition. To these discussions of citizenship, discourse about crime and criminality added an effective counterpoint, identifying individuals and groups within the new nation that merited exclusion. Specifically, this study examines the emerging discourses of criminology and penology which attempted to bring a rational, even scientific approach to the long-standing problem of crime. These "liberal" discourses (and the criminal justice system they inspired) eschewed the overtly racist and classist legal legacy of Mexico's colonial past. However, despite their egalitarian pretensions, criminology and penology often rearticulated colonial social distinctions, first by covertly embedding traditional biases in a contradictory liberal rhetoric and later by legitimizing these prejudices with evolutionary science. Ultimately, little changed in post-Independence Mexican social relations: the poor, the indio, the mestizo continued to be excluded from participation in mainstream society, not because they were legally segregated as in the colonial period but because of their supposed criminality. Even Mexico's great social revolution generated few effective changes. Like their predecessors, revolutionary elites attempted to exploit the legitimizing potential of the criminal justice system but again without significantly redefining its basic clientele. The socially-marginal continued to pose a threat to public order and economic progress; thus they continued to be excluded from public life. Within this larger context, specific chapters also function as independent essays: chapter one examines the racist and classist subtexts embedded in post-Enlightenment, "classic" criminology; chapter two, the role of evolutionary science in legitimizing these subtexts; chapter three, the use of popular literary techniques in the construction of "scientific" criminology; chapter four, the place of prison reform in Mexican political discourse; and chapter five, the role of penal code reform in political legitimation.

Community service as an alternative to imprisonment at its inception was taken up very strongly by the judiciary as part of the reform of the criminal justice system in Uganda. The successful enactment of the Community Service Act, Act no: 5/2000, was an achievement towards the implementation of the programme in the country. However, its implementation as an alternative sentence is currently proceeding at a slow pace. The Ugandan law still allows courts to exercise their discretionary powers with regard to either using prison sentences or community service. Courts still seem to prefer to use imprisonment irrespective of the nature of the offence, thus leading to unwarranted government expenditure and prison overcrowding. An additional problem is that some offenders come out of prison having been negatively affected by their interaction with even more serious offenders. This study was undertaken to establish whether community service as an alternative to imprisonment can be effective with regard to reducing recidivism and to accelerating reconciliation and reintegration of minor offenders back into their communities.

The thesis investigates and analyses the hitherto neglected phenomenon of political reaction within the judiciary of south-eastern France during the period between the Thermidorian Reaction and the advent of the Consulate. The character, objectives and effects of the 'reaction judiciaire1 are studied through a series of different perspectives. The first task is to highlight the discrepancy between the concepts of the social and political effects of a revamped judicial system formulated during the Year III and the corrupt abuse of judicial power by reactionary provincial judges. Indeed, the study constantly seeks to explore the conceptual as well as the practical damage inflicted on the Directorial regime by the supposed trustees of the post-Terrorist republican settlement. Emphasis is placed upon the collaboration between the southern judges and the counter-revolutionary elements within the local community, especially in the discussion of the origins of the judicial reaction. The changes of technique and of objective which the judiciary experienced are explored in full. It is described from its beginnings as a weapon of retribution for the aggrieved local community against the former agents of the Terror to its role in the subversion of regional jacobinism to its support for the period of unchecked counter-revolution during the Year V and finally to its function as a 'rearguard' defender of arrested counter- revolutionaries during the period of the Second Directory. In addition, due consideration is given to the motivation of individual judges who operated the reaction. It is hoped that the thesis has provided a model for the study of the causes, techniques and aims of political reaction from within an independent state power. Furthermore, it is hoped that the work is seminal in its suggestion that judicial reaction and its many ramifications had both a direct and indirect bearing upon the fall of the Directory.

This thesis examines the history of the Greater Dallas Crime Commission and its effectiveness within the criminal justice system. It is a private agency established fifty (50) years ago to monitor and investigate the criminal justice system. Today, it serves as a source of funding for criminal justice agencies, provides awards and recognition forums for law enforcement and lobbies for legal revisions of the criminal code. The research is designed to examine their role within the criminal justice system. Whether current crime theories are supported by the commission is central to the thesis. There are no prior studies available of crime commissions perhaps because they are privately funded and operated by civilians. Crime commissions do exert influence, politically and financially, upon law enforcement. It is reflected often in their history. The extent of this effect is the subject of the paper. To this end, the commission's role in changing state laws, providing funds for police training, recognizing prosecutors and paying awards to informants lends credibility to their role in the criminal justice system. Their function has often changed during the fifty-year history. If there is a deficit, it may be that the commission has the capability, through its sphere of influence, of encouraging civilian actions that may conflict with law enforcement policy. Some examples of these are included in the study.

This study discussed the issue of computer crime as it relates to the criminal justice system, specifically law enforcement. The information was gathered through several books, academic journals, governmental documents, and the Internet. First, the nature and forms of computer crime, Internet crime, and cyber terrorism were analyzed. Next, law enforcement responses were discussed. International aspects of the problem were separately pointed out. Further, detection and investigation of computer crime were examined. Problems related to the each component of the criminal justice system (law enforcement, investigators, prosecutors, and judges) were described. Specific solutions to these problems were offered. In addition, computer crime handling procedures were presented. Results indicate that computer crime will increase in the 21st century, and this problem cannot be controlled by traditional methods alone. Using new technology as preventive measures, and increasing awareness and security conscious culture will prevent the problem in the long run.