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A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor Of Philosophy in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, 2017 / For over a century, cross border movement of people has been on-going between Nigeria and South Africa. Nigerians started immigrating to South Africa as early as 1905, and South African white Missionaries from the Dutch Reformed Church, on the invitation of the Sudan United Mission, for evangelical work. The missionaries from South Africa were assigned the Benue region of Nigeria for missionary evangelical work. By 1911, they were at Sai a Tiv village where they established the first mission station. These missionaries introduced modern education based on western civilisation to the area and introduced new seedlings that led to the transformation of agriculture in the Benue region. They also introduced modern medical practice that eradicated leprosy and other diseases that were rampant and brought in modern architecture to the Benue region. They established the NKST church which is widely spread among the Tiv and across central Nigeria. The study discusses the role of Nigeria in undermining the apartheid regime from 1960, which also coincided with the Sharpeville massacre. Nigeria spent its resources in the fight against apartheid. In doing that, Nigeria did not only engage apartheid South Africa alone but used the instrument of diplomatic relation in canvassing support on the international scale through the United Nations, the Commonwealth and the formation of the OAU which was largely funded by the Nigerian government. This research reveals Nigeria’s role in the de-colonisation process of not only apartheid South Africa but also the entire Southern African region. The study analyses the patterns of migration between the two countries and examine the implication of this migration on the socio-political and economic relationship since 1960. Relying on a qualitative methodology, the study uses the principle of saturation to interview participants; it also relies on archival records in addition to current literature on the phenomenon. The study used the Push pull and transnational migration theory for analysis. This study argues that although the migration phenomenon existed for over a century, the two countries are still engaged in frosty relationship expressed through xenophobic violence, drug trafficking, and human rights abuses. It also argues that the fundamental reason for this xenophobic attack can be traced in South Africa’s apartheid history, which left a society where black South Africans were separated from each other, and that the South African blacks came out of apartheid as landless poor peasants. Although the instrument of power lies in their hands, the economy is still largely controlled by the white minorities. The study concludes with a clarion call on the Nigerian and South African governments to reawaken Pan-Africanism that the continent is known for and to reinvigorate the African Ubuntu which seeks the welfare of an African brotherhood - that Africa is better together than disunited. Africa should work more on factors that unite them rather than on what divide them. In unity, the continent’s hopes for integration in economic, political and diplomatic relations will be realised.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(地域研究) / 甲第21904号 / 地博第250号 / 新制||地||92(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科グローバル地域研究専攻 / (主査)教授 河野 泰之, 教授 藤倉 達郎, 教授 藤田 幸一, 教授 竹田 晋也 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Area Studies / Kyoto University / DGAM

This thesis explores globalization’s effects on female migrant domestic workers in Latin America by examining the socioeconomic and political status of Paraguayan and Peruvian domestic workers in Argentina. Through this research, I answer several key questions. First, how does globalization shape neoliberal markets that enforce the exploitative structures of domestic labor? Second, how is gender inequality present in governmental and social discrimination? Third, do the costs of transnational care labor outweigh the benefits? The former two questions are answered by the rising demand for care labor and resulting global care chains that fuel greater cross-border migration and statelessness of female migrants. Additionally, cultural and familial pressures magnify the sexual division of labor and maintain domestic labor’s low social status. Using a gender analysis, I address the last question by concluding that gender inequalities through governmental and social discrimination, plus emotional-familial burdens, outweigh domestic labor’s short-sighted financial prospects and autonomy provided by globalization.