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Shrnutí v anglickém jazyce / Resumé in English The purpose of my thesis is to analyse one of the most controversial topic, which people often discuss, the death penalty. To bring an option for a potential reader how to to make his own attitude to the death penalty was the collateral aim. In recent decades the most states abolished death penalty. But there is still over one quarter states in the world, which death penalty aply. Neverthelles public opinion polls show, that public support is relatively significant. The thesis is composed of nine chapters. Chapter one is introductory and defines the purpose of this thesis. Chapter two deals with the punishment and its purpose. This chapter consists of two parts. Part one concentrate on the punishment and defines, what this concept means. Second part concentrate on the purpose of the punishment, on the absolute and relative theory, on the purpose of the death penalty and on the purpose of the punishment in the czech penal code. Chapter three describes the history of the death penalty. The chapter consists of three parts. Part one deals with general history of the death penalty. Part two concentrate on the history of the death penalty in our area. Part three describes the most frequent method of the death pealty. Chapter four concentrates on the arguments of...

Lietuvoje ir ir kitose Europos šalyse (Italijoje, Lenkijoje) pasigirsta politikų bei visuomenės kalbų, jog verta atkurti mirties bausmę. Kiek tokios kalbos realios? Europa po antrojo pasaulinio karo dėjo maksimaliai pastangų panaikinti mirties bausmę visame kontinente. Darbas buvo ilgas, užtruko ilgus dešimtmečius, bet dėl diplomatinių viražų, beveik visos Europos šalys mirties bausmės nebetaiko. Dabartinės retencionistinės kalbos kai kam atrodo kaip žingsnis atgal, nes aboliucionistai mano, jog mirties bausmės uždraudimas tai toks pats didelis laimėjimas, kaip pasaulinis demokratijos įsitvirtinimas daugumoje pasaulio šalių. Retencionistai gi visai kitaip žvelgia į mirties bausmę ir mato ją kaip normalią baudžiamosios politikos priemonę. Todėl diskusijos tarp dviejų priešingų stovyklų verda tiek dėl mirties bausmės privalumų ir trūkumų, tiek dėl apskritai galimybės atkurti mirties bausmę bent jau tam tikrose šalyse. Aboliucionistai, ilgai kovoję už visuotinį aboliucionizmą neketina užleisti nė kiek savo jau iškovotų pozicijų plotelio, tačiau tam vėlgi pasitelkia argumentus, kuriuos naudoja debatuose „už ir prieš“ mirties bausmę. Retencionistai gi naudoja skirtingoms diskusijoms skirtingus argumentus, bet matyt jų retorika ir pozicija yra kitokia dėl to, kad jų šalių baudžiamoji politika kelia kitokius tikslus ir uždavinius teisei, susiduria su kitomis problemomis, o visuomenės skirtingai nuo ES senbuvių visuomenių supranta teisės paskirtį, Europa gi visus paima po vienu... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / In Lithuania and other European countries (Italy, Poland) politicians and the public discuss on the issue is it worth restoring the death penalty. Europe after the Second World War, has made maximum efforts to abolish the death penalty throughout the continent. The work was long, it took many decades, but after the diplomatic virages, almost all European countries have abolished death penalty. Current retencional discusses for some seems like a step back, because abolutionists believe that the prohibition of the death penalty is same great achievement, as the global entrenchment of democracy in most countries of the world. Retencionists look in other way to the death penalty and sees it as a normal criminal policy. Therefore, the debate between two opposite camps is going both about death penalty pros and cons, both for the general possibility of restoring the death penalty, at least in certain countries. Aboliucionists has long fought for universal aboliutionizm and do not intend to relinquish any of the positions they have already achieved. Abolutionists rely on the arguments used by the recent debates for and against the death penalty. Retencionists use different arguments for debates, but apparently their rhetoric, and the position is different because of their criminal policies are different goals. Countries of the retencionists has other objectives for the law- it is faced with other problems, and the public, unlike the EU's old member countries‘s societies understand... [to full text]

The issue of the death penalty is not just a matter of legal and political, but mainly social, ethical and moral. As other questions like abortion, euthanasia and gay adoption of children, this issue forces us to make up our own opinion and take an attitude. In addition, capital punishment is not only historical relic, but there are still lot of states that retained it in their legal system and also a lot of states that can perform it today. And it is not just a totalitarian or authoritarian states, as it might seem, but also a modern democratic society such as Japan or the United States of America. In the second chapter of his work, I focus on issue what is punishment and what kind of punishment and purpose exists. In the third chapter I try to outline the history and present of the death penalty, in the fourth chapter on methods of its execution. In the fifth chapter I introduce arguments of supporters and opponents of the death penalty, in next chapter I focus on public opinion. In the seventh chapter I work with international documents that deal with the death penalty. In the eighth chapter, I try to look at the death penalty from the perspective of Christian faith. The ninth chapter focuses on alternatives to the death penalty and the tenth deals with several well-known cases which have occurred in our...

The following research attempts to determine the factors used by an individual to develop an attitude on the political issue of capital punishment. Using data from the 2000 National Election Study and ordered probit analysis, this research produces a multivariate, multi-stage model of death penalty attitudes. Demographic factors such as race, age, gender, and education level are included in the initial stage of the model. Attitudinal variables such as party identification, ideology, and religiosity are added, one-by-one, in the second stage of the model to determine their own individual effect on death penalty attitudes, and their effect on the preceding demographic variables. The result is a comprehensive model of death penalty attitudes.

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The power to inflict the death penalty formed a vital part of the disciplinary process in all the major armies during the First World War. Yet serious historians have neglected the subject. This thesis addresses the topic in a critical manner and challenges the view that executions were arbitrary, reflecting a distant and uncaring High Command. Analysis of military and criminal law in Europe and the United States establishes a comparative framework from which to proceed. Changing ideas about discipline and duty as the war impacted on both the military and British society are assessed. The concept of morale - so important to military commanders during the war - is evaluated in the context of changing demands on the army as it adjusted to the absorption of 'citizen soldiers' and conscripts as well as disappointment on the battlefield. Differences between Regular, Territorial and 'New Army' formations are assessed. So too is the impact of the big offensives such as the Battle of the S o m e in 1916. Finally, three divisions (one Regular, one Territorial, and one 'New Army') are subjected to detailed analysis from their initial deployment on the Western Front then on to the Italian Front where a different disciplinary approach can be detected. The central theme of the thesis is that whilst some British commanders adopted a progressive approach to discipline most clung to traditional ideas of deterrence. In this they were encouraged by the very nature of British military law which differed from continental and American models in vital areas. Driven by the fear of a collapse in discipline amongst their 'citizen soldiers' some commanders took refuge in traditional methods of punishment to maintain what they termed 'fighting spirit'. This, however, altered at the end of 1917 when traditional approaches gave way to new forms of management.

Although clemency is often an offender's final prospect to avoid execution within the death penalty context, prior research concerning clemency decisions remains limited by the fact that it is often atheoretical and researchers have used data more than a decade old. This study specifically placed clemency decisions within a focal concerns framework and examined death row inmates who were either executed or granted clemency between 1984 and 2008. This study used logistic regression as its primary modeling technique to examine whether measures of focal concerns theory were predictive of clemency decisions. While the current measures for offender blameworthiness and protection of the community were not found to influence clemency decisions, practical constraints and consequences measured by political factors and regional location along with offender characteristics were found to predict such decisions. Female offenders, non-white offenders, and offenders with lower educational levels were most likely to be granted clemency. Whereas lame duck governors were more likely to grant clemency, governors in southern states were less likely to grant clemency. The odds of clemency were reduced with each year an offender served.

Death row is a space across the United States that continues to expand, not only in numbers, but in the length of time inmates spend confined there. Fewer and fewer inmates are executed and death row is now increasingly the only punishment of capital convicts. This thesis examines the retributive and punitive treatment of death-sentenced offenders within that space and, by viewing that form of imprisonment as part of a communication process, it assesses the contribution it makes to the death penalty more generally in the USA to argue that death row imprisonment is crucial in sustaining the distinction of capital offenders, and the death penalty itself.Just as death row receives images from wider culture, it simultaneously generates images that complement and validate those it receives, of death sentenced offenders as dangerous monsters. These images, of offenders who require punitive detention, align with the dominant supportive rationale of capital punishment, retribution, and provide a basis for continued death penalty support in an era of declining executions.In the “hidden world” of death row, prisoners are left to be abused, mistreated, and denied privileges and opportunities available to other prisoners. The capital offender is presented by his death row incarceration as different from all other offenders serving other sentences, even life without parole. Death row incarceration communicates the worth and status of the condemned, presenting him as a dangerous, and dehumanised other, who needs to be securely detained, and restricted. Thus death row validates and justifies the cultural needs of capital punishment. Just as wider culture, including, specifically, the legal community, dictates a requirement for punitive detention, death row corroborates that image with its own in a self-affirming loop. Death row is therefore functional beyond the mere holding of offenders, it affirms cultural descriptions of the condemned and thus justifies, and provides support for, the very continuation of capital punishment itself.