Decentralisation has not only transformed the structure of government but has also fundamentally altered the political landscape in Uganda. Since 1986, the country has witnessed a gradual but comprehensive transfer of power, responsibilities and resources from the centre to local governments. The exercise began as a shift from appointed to elected councillors and leaders, initially of resistance committees, and then later of local councils that have been formed in rural areas and urban wards as vehicles for local government and popular participation. Decentralisation has also appeared in the form of devolution of major functional responsibilities such as primary education, health, water and sanitation, and rural feeder roads from the centre to local governments. Indeed scholars and planners who subscribe to the ideology of centrifugalism as a prominent management and planning discourse have seen this level of decentralization as a fundamental point of departure towards institutionalization of a level of reform which seeks to transfer political, administrative, financial and planning authority from the centre to local governments. Many have also seen it as the right direction towards the promotion of popular participation, empowering local people to make their own decisions and generally enhancing the levels of accountability and responsibility within the local communities. Nevertheless the process of decentralisation has not entirely been a bed of roses. Despite the existence of abundant goodwill on the part of the national political leadership, lack of civic competence, apathy, disillusionment and fatigue are some of the debilitating factors that have combined to render citizen participation generally unattainable. Moreover, because decentralisation has tended to be a top-down approach, participation has largely been seen as a government obligation rather than as a people-driven process. Lack of both financial and human resources have compounded the situation. Districts have consistently lacked sufficient financial resources to run decentralised functions because of a tax base, which is so narrow that revenue to districts is basically limited to graduated personal tax and grants from the Central Government. Inspite of the existence of the above shortcomings, democratic decentralisation remains the only viable answer in the quest for good _governance, active local government and an empowered local population. This study analyses the process of devolution in Uganda with the aim of identifying the underlying constraints that continue to impinge on it, and proposing ways and means of ameliorating them. Using Hoima district local _government as a case study and results from the national service delivery survey conducted by the Uganda Ministry of Public Service in the year 2000, the study highlights most of these constraints, prominent among which are poor service delivery, lack of community participation, inadequate financial and human resources, a narrow local tax base, a weak civil society, and underscores the need to ameliorate them if devolution is to attain the anticipated results. The first part of the study examines some of the theories, concepts and views that underpin the policy of decentralisation and sets the pace for its contextualisation. The second part looks at the deeper process of decentralisation by analyzing the structures and institutionalization of local government in Uganda and highlighting critical issues that are pertinent in local government management and development. The study argues that while enormous goodwill exists on the part of the national political leadership, devolution in Uganda and local government development generally are still beset by a range of factors that include weaknesses within the institutional structures mandated to actualize the policy. Centric tendencies are still pervasive with the unfortunate results of stalling the pace of transformation especially in the financial sector. The third part dwells on the research methodology used, the nature and extent-of data collected, the sampling techniques applied and how these affected the outcome of the study. This part also highilg!lts the findings of the study, which are discussed and the-causative factors analyzed. The fourth and last part focuses mainly on recommendations arising out of the conclusions, with particular emphasis on key areas that require urgent action. It also identifies areas for further research and suggests how such research would assist in expanding the scope and understanding of the subject under study. This study cautions against the tendency to .romanticise devolution as the new-found solution for past and current institutional and socio-economic distortions and argues that devolution itself can make state institutions more responsive to the needs of the communities, but only if it allows local people to hold public servants accountable and ensures their participation in the development process. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2004.

Decentralisation is the process through which Central Government transfers authority and functions to sub-national units of the Government and it traces its origin in Uganda from the “ bush” period (1981 – 1986) when Resistance Committees were established by the NRM/A in the Luwero triangle. The Mamdani Commission Report of 1987 on the Local Government system in Uganda recommended devolution of powers. Subsequently, decentralisation was launched in 1992, constitutionalised by the 1995 Constitution, and operationalised by the Local Governments Act (LGA) in 1997. Among the services devolved were education and health, which this study used as case studies to illustrate whether decentralisation has enhanced development in Uganda during the period 1993 – 2006. The study used both primary and secondary data in analysing the linkage between decentralisation and development in the two selected districts in Uganda, namely Masindi and Sembabule. Primary data was collected through interviews, questionnaires and focus group discussions while secondary data was gathered through a literature survey of relevant textbooks, newspapers, reports, legislation and journals. The findings of the study established that if decentralisation is properly planned and implemented it can make a meaningful contribution to enhancing development. However, since decentralisation is a process and not a once-off project, it evolves from one stage to another and, as it does so, it also unfolds new challenges and contradictions that need to be effectively addressed. These challenges include aspects relating to the legal framework, as well as political, fiscal and administrative decentralisation. The study recommended mitigation measures to enhance the efficiency, effectiveness, accountability, transparency, and subsequently the quality of services delivered (development) under decentralised local governance in Uganda.

Continued debates on economic development, poverty eradication and the growing skeptism concerning the paradigms proposed through many decades, has led to a continued search for a paradigm that would, finally, resolve the issue of pervasive poverty in the Sub-Saharan Africa. Having implemented decentralization within government entities without any significant contribution to poverty eradication, the focus has now turned to the development agencies themselves. What are the inefficiencies in these agencies which if addressed might enable them deliver development aid more efficiently thus, providing more resources for development from being lost in the attrition of overheads? It is, therefore, argued that decentralization of development agencies will improve the efficiency and effectiveness of IFIs in delivering development aid. At the same time, decentralization reforms have been proposed as a response to the failures of highly centralized states (or organizations in this case). Empirical evidence, strongly, suggests that physical proximity and more "face-time", promotes better results-on-the-ground, delivered by staff who are better attuned to local conditions and have a better understanding of the client and their development agenda. But, will decentralization alone solve the issue of pervasive poverty? This research recognises that the factors affecting poverty are diverse and intricate and isolating just one part of the puzzle is not enough. Nevertheless, it is argues that decentralization, has a positive impact on poverty reduction thus, this study presents both practical and theoretical considerations from which policy measures can be derived. This thesis focused on establishing how the World Bank, changed its strategies through the implementation of decentralization of its operations as proposed in the ‗Strategic Compact‘, renewed the way it worked in order to maintain its relevance in the development world. The World Bank President, James Wolfensohn, proposed the Compact as a solution to the organization‘s self diagnosis that it was in distress, in a state of possible decline and was not fulfilling its mission of poverty eradication. This research, using Uganda Country Office as a case study, undertook, mainly, a qualitative review of the overall strategy of decentralization and its implementation organization wide and specifically, in Uganda. The research examined how the implementation of the strategy impacted on poverty trends in Uganda. This research found that the decentralization strategy was, fundamentally, the right one to deliver better results of the Bank‘s mission of ‗fighting poverty for lasting results‘ and its vision of ‗A World Free of Poverty‘. Contrary to the popular notion that the World Bank has been, largely ineffective in the delivery of its mission and its decentralization strategy just another one of its 'shams‘, this research established that the implementation of the strategy, although not having a direct or causal relationship, did have positive impact on poverty alleviation in Uganda. This study, therefore, makes a case for decentralization of donor organizations as a means of better delivery of the poverty eradication agenda in the developing world. The benefits though hard to measure in monetary terms are, nevertheless, real in terms of faster and better quality engagement with the clients which in turn, result into better delivery of services and programmes.

Thesis (PhD (Forest and Wood Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / This study aims at examining technical and institutional capacity in local organisations to manage decentralised forest resources in Uganda. Specifically the study assessed the roles, responsibilities, powers and legal instruments, incentives, facilities and human and fiscal resources of local organisations to undertake decentralised forest governance. Semistructured and key informant interviews were conducted in local organisations and legal and policy documents reviewed to ascertain strategies for implementing decentralised forestry. An inventory of selected forests was conducted to assess effect of decentralisation policy on the condition of forests in Uganda. Chi-square tests were used to show the factors that motivate local organisations to participate in decentralised forest governance. Tree species diversity and richness, density, diameter at breast height and basal area and sings of human disturbance were used to compare the condition of forests under local government and those under private and central government ownership. Similarity between the forests was assessed using a Two Way INdicator SPecies Analysis, while the differences in the composition and structural characteristics of trees among forest ownership categories were compared by oneway analysis of variance. Multiple regression analysis was used to show the influence of household pressure, forest size, the distance of the forest from roads and forest administrative office, and the market demand of the forest produce on the capacity of forest agencies to regulate timber harvesting. The findings reveals that local organisations supported devolved forest management functions such as forest monitoring, tree planting, environmental education, networking, collaborative and integrated planning, resource mobilisation and formulation of byelaws. The role of forestry in the livelihoods of the people, the desire to control forest degradation and access to forest revenue, donor and central government fiscal support were the most important incentives in decentralised forest management. However, limited capacity in terms of qualified staff, funds, facilities and equipment and inadequate decision-making powers over fiscal resources from forestry, inequitable distribution of forest revenue and unclear forest and tree tenure hindered decentralised forest management. The diversity and richness indices, density, diameter at breast height and basal area of trees were significantly higher in central forest reserves, intermediate in private and lower in local forest reserves. The frequency of human disturbances was significantly higher in local forest reserves than in private and central forest reserves. The variation in composition and structure of the local forest reserves is partly attributed to human disturbances. The capacity of the forest agencies to regulate forest resources use in the Mpigi forests was significantly affected by the size of forest, and its location in relation to the well-maintained roads, forest administrative office and the number of households in close proximity and the market demand of the forest produce. Large forests in close proximity to densely populated areas and far a way from roads and the forest administrative office were more affected by timber harvesting. The results demonstrated that local governments are not yet efficient in monitoring and regulating forest use and maintaining the condition of forests in Uganda. Local organisations need to play an increased role in the implementation of the Forest Policy, the National Forestry and Tree Planting and the Local Government Acts for successful decentralisation of forest management and to recruit more technical staff, strengthen internal sources of revenue and develop integrated forestry work plans. There is also a need for the central government to integrate and co-ordinate local and central interests, and facilitate a working relationship with local governments, civil society and the private sector involved in forestry. Forest owners and managers in the Mpigi forests and Ugandaâ s tropical forests in general need to manage human impacts so as to balance utilisation and conservation forest resources. There is need for longterm studies to fully understand the real significance of ownership on the composition and structure of the Mpigi forests and forests in other districts of Uganda.