Thesis (M. A.)--University of Hong Kong, 2007. / Title proper from title frame. Also available in printed format.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Bowling Green State University, 2006. / Document formatted into pages; contains xii, 281 p. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Northwestern University, 2003. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 65-01, Section: A, page: 0142. Adviser: Mireille Rosello.

To be meaningfully in solidarity with Indigenous liberation struggles, Marxism must bring Indigenous values of consensual intimacy, relational autonomy and responsibility to its centre, by (1) plucking out premises in ethical, political, ontological, epistemological and analytic registers that close off Marx and many contemporary Marxists from centring these values, and (2) bringing Indigenous resurgence values to the centre of Marxism to engage in normative and theoretical repair to enable a more decolonial praxis. I generate my understanding of Indigenous values through a close examination of Indigenous Resurgence Theory, guided by the ethical framework of the Two Row Wampum. With these in hand, I examine the aforementioned registers through immanent critique of the places in Marx's thought where he elaborates them, and suggest transformations that eventuate from incorporating Indigenous values. / Graduate

Following WWII the British Government reduced its colonies due to rebuilding costs and a waning interest in costly overseas colonies. During this time there were approximately 30,000 white settlers living in Kenya with nearly 5 million Kikuyu and Maasai. Unrest had been building in this area long before the 1950s due to the Briton's perceived lack of interest in the well being of the native populations. Coupled with the recently implemented apartheid movement in South Africa, many natives felt this was the path down which Kenya was headed. By 1952 it was obvious to the British Government that there was great unrest among the Kikuyu population in Kenya. Similar to their posture in the Malayan Emergency, the British had been caught off guard and failed to recognize the scale of the threat Mau Mau posed. On 20 October 1952 a state of emergency was declared in Kenya. Throughout the following eight years several programs were implemented by the British to return the colony to a state of normalcy, including widespread detention, compulsory registration of Kikuyu, livestock seizure, taxes for the additional cost of the insurgency, re-education measures, the use of reformed Mau Mau and local troops to combat the insurgency, and eventually the capture and execution of Mau Mau leader Dedan Kimathi in 1956. The emergency would remain in effect, until 1960, however.

The main purpose of the thesis is to explore the role of colonial police forces in anglophone Africa in the period between 1947 and 1964/5 when the transition from colonial dependencies to independent nation-states took place. The police are an important component of all modern states. It is argued in the thesis that the police formed one of the key foundation stones of the colonial state in Africa. The question of how to deal with colonial police forces in the post World War Two period severely tested policy makers both in Whitehall and in the individual territories. The related problems of the role of the military forces also arose. On the one hand, there was perceived to be a need sharply to increase the strength of the police, as well as to militarise them and radically to improve intelligence systems. This was as a result of what was seen as the growing threat of communism and because of civil disorders, usually inspired by nationalist sentiment, such as those in Accra in 1948. On the other hand, there was a desire to insulate the police from political interference with the advent of self-government in the various territories. As decolonisation proceeded, it was seen that the cherished 'Westminster Model' of government would fail if the police were not constitutionally safeguarded. It was thought that if urgent action was not taken, 'police states' would emerge throughout anglophone Africa after colonial rule was terminated. In the event successful policies were not readily forthcoming, and British administered territories did enter Independence without proper safeguards that might have regulated and controlled the position of the police. The legacy has been a devastating one for much of Africa.

Dominant narratives in western historical museums often evoke a nostalgia for a Western Frontier that did not actually exist in the United States. Many Western historical museums, in particular, preserve nostalgia of an imagined Western Frontier through narratives of white masculine heroism, by featuring objects and artifacts symbolizing American exceptionalism and conquest, and by developing a sensory experience in exhibits to recreate an idealized time in history. As our understandings of history evolve, it is increasingly more evident that there is a significant need for Western historical museums as knowledge producers to shift narratives in exhibits from the dominant white-settler perspective. An integration of different value systems, cultures, practices, and beliefs in exhibits is possible by incorporating a diversity of thought in the frameworks used to interpret history, through the inclusion of diverse stories, and through creating accessible exhibits to reach a broader public audience.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Toronto, 2004. / Adviser: Njoki Nathani Wane.

The thesis examines the agitations and riots that broke out in Calcutta in the aftermath of the Second World War. Through a close analysis of local outbreaks of urban violence, it hopes to contribute to the understanding of decolonization in the subcontinent. It interrogates existing chronological and conceptual frameworks through which decolonization has been understood in the historiography of the region. At the same time, the study analyses the continuities and changes in the practices of the local state apparatus, especially the police, through the transition ‘from the colonial to the post-colonial’ regime in South Asia. The scope of the study is limited to incidents and experiences in Calcutta, although it attempts to take into account relevant issues at the regional and all-India level wherever possible. The historiography of popular politics in South Asia is fairly unanimous in concluding that the immediate aftermath of the Second World War saw widespread ‘anti-imperialist’ ‘cross-communal’ protests throughout the subcontinent. In this period, many argue, people of all religions came together for the last time to fight the colonial regime. However, this moment of communal unity was quickly lost as the subcontinent plunged into communal violence on an unprecedented scale. Incidents in Calcutta are believed to exhibit this pattern very clearly. In February 1946 the city witnessed large-scale protests against the conviction of Captain Rashid Ali of the Indian National Army. However, just six months later, Calcutta witnessed massive communal riots. The Great Calcutta Killing of August 1946 set off the chain of communal violence across the subcontinent that ultimately precipitated the partition of British India into two mutually hostile post-colonial states of India and Pakistan. This thesis hopes to challenge some of these assumptions in the historiography of decolonization. It seeks to complicate this linear narrative by questioning the ‘cross-communal’ dimension of the anti-colonial protests. It also argues that the outbreak of communal violence was not as sudden as has been assumed. Rather, communal tension often co-existed with periods of united anti-colonial agitations. The thesis will also examine inter-community relations in the city in the very first years after independence. It will study how new minorities produced by the Indian nation state grappled with, and were affected by, the changed circumstances in Calcutta.

The majority of Indigenous peoples in Canada are now living in urban centres. Following the publication of the Final Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples in 1996, academics and policy makers were encouraged to further research the heterogeneous experiences and realities of urban Indigenous peoples living in Canadian cities. This thesis responds to this call and seeks to explore the social geographies and lived experiences of urban Metis peoples, a segment of the urban Indigenous population that has to date been largely left out of the literature. This work relates specifically to Metis living in Ottawa, representing the first study of its kind in eastern Canada. Although Ottawa is not a traditional Metis community and is located outside of the traditional Metis Homeland, the city does represent an important Metis meeting place and space where various understandings of Metis identity from across the country come into contact with one another. The ways in which urban Metis identities are formed and maintained, the movement and strategies Metis peoples utilize to create a sense of place and home, and the ways in which individuals and the community at large come into contact with power at the municipal level are explored at length. Utilizing Henri Lefevbre and Iris Marion Young’s concepts of right to the city and unassimilated otherness, this thesis argues that urban Metis peoples in Ottawa merit greater recognition primarily through the creation of a permanent fixture, such as a Metis house, within the city’s urban landscape.