published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Master / Master of Philosophy

黃碧雲. / 稿本 / 論文(碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院政治與行政學部,1992. / 附參考文獻 / Huang Biyun. / 鳴謝 / 縮略詞表 / 論文撮要 / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 / Chapter 一. --- 硏究焦點及問題 --- p.3 / Chapter 二. --- 研究原因 --- p.4 / Chapter 甲. --- 香港民族主義--一個有待發展的研究領域 --- p.4 / Chapter 乙. --- 香港的獨特性 --- p.7 / Chapter 丙. --- 正視民族主義與民主的複雜關係 --- p.8 / Chapter 丁. --- 開拓香港民主運動研究的新角度 --- p.8 / Chapter 三. --- 概念 --- p.9 / Chapter 甲. --- 民族主義是什麼？ --- p.9 / Chapter 乙. --- 地域性民族主義 --- p.14 / Chapter 四. --- 文獻回顧：民族主義與民主的關係 --- p.16 / Chapter 甲. --- 民族主義可促進民主主義？ --- p.16 / Chapter 乙. --- 亞洲的民族主義本質上是反民主的？ --- p.18 / Chapter 丙. --- 不宜簡化民族主義與民主的因果關係 --- p.20 / Chapter 丁 . --- 從具體的歷史處境出發 --- p.23 / Chapter 戊. --- 小結 --- p.26 / Chapter 五. --- 分析架構 --- p.27 / Chapter 六. --- 研究假設 --- p.30 / Chapter 七. --- 研究方法 --- p.31 / Chapter 甲. --- 研究性質 --- p.31 / Chapter 乙. --- 資料來源 --- p.31 / Chapter 丙. --- 訪問對象的選取及訪問的進行 --- p.32 / Chapter 第二章： --- 香港民主派的民族主義內涵及表現形態 / Chapter 一. --- 中國民族主義-官方的詮釋 --- p.35 / Chapter 甲. --- 對内的愛國主義 --- p.36 / Chapter 乙. --- 對外的愛國主義 --- p.37 / Chapter 二. --- 香港民族主義的發展 --- p.38 / Chapter 三. --- 香港民主派的民族主義内涵及表現形態 --- p.42 / Chapter 甲. --- 雙重的身份認同 --- p.43 / Chapter 1 . --- 民族、文化層次的認同 --- p.45 / Chapter 2 . --- 泛政治層次的認同 --- p.47 / Chapter 3 . --- 政府、政權層次的認同 --- p.48 / Chapter 乙. --- 民族情感的特色 --- p.55 / Chapter 1 . --- 愛國而不愛黨 --- p.57 / Chapter 2 . --- 休戚與共之情 --- p.59 / Chapter 3 . --- 對中國的冀望 --- p.60 / Chapter 4 . --- 立足香港、頁獻中國 --- p.61 / Chapter 丙. --- 政策層面的體現 --- p.62 / Chapter 1 . --- 主權回歸 --- p.62 / Chapter 2 . --- 香港獨立 --- p.68 / Chapter 3. --- 台灣獨立與兩岸统一 --- p.69 / Chapter 4 . --- 居英權 --- p.73 / Chapter 四. --- 小結 --- p.79 / Chapter 第三章： --- 民族主義與香港民主運動 / Chapter 一. --- 民族主義與民主主義的關係 --- p.82 / Chapter 甲. --- 民族主義與民主主義的相容關係 --- p.83 / Chapter 乙. --- 民族主義作為香港民主運動的推動力 --- p.86 / Chapter 二. --- 民族主義與民主運動的策略、行為 --- p.88 / Chapter 甲. --- 民族主義作為政治象徵的作用 --- p.88 / Chapter 乙. --- 民族主義作為群眾動員工具的可能性與限制 --- p.94 / Chapter 丙. --- 中、港兩地民主運動的匯合與分離 --- p.102 / Chapter 1 . --- 非主流民主派 --- p.104 / Chapter 2 . --- 主流民主派 --- p.107 / Chapter 丁. --- 六四事件後香港民主運動的矛盾境況 --- p.120 / Chapter 1 . --- 兩地民運之間分、合並存的矛盾 --- p.120 / Chapter 2. --- 中港關係的矛盾 --- p.122 / Chapter 三. --- 小结 --- p.125 / Chapter 第四章： --- 總結 / Chapter 一. --- 香港民主派民族主義的類型、内涵、變化和特色 --- p.127 / Chapter 甲. --- 民族主義的類型和内涵 --- p.127 / Chapter 乙. --- 民族主義的歷史變化 --- p.129 / Chapter 丙. --- 地域性民族主義的特色 --- p.130 / Chapter 二 . --- 民族主義與香港民主運動的關係 --- p.132 / Chapter 甲. --- 動機 --- p.133 / Chapter 乙. --- 象徵 --- p.133 / Chapter 丙. --- 動員工具 --- p.134 / Chapter 丁. --- 民族主義與民主運動策略、行為的配套 --- p.135 / Chapter 三. --- 研究啓示：香港民主運動的發展策略 --- p.137 / Chapter 四. --- 進一步的研究方向 --- p.141 / Chapter 甲. --- 分析單位 --- p.141 / Chapter 乙. --- 研究假設 --- p.142 / Chapter 丙. --- 研究重點 --- p.143 / 附錄 / Chapter 附錄一： --- 訪問題目 / Chapter 附錄二： --- 六四前後支援中國愛國民運的群眾動員紀錄表(1989-91) / Chapter 附錄三： --- 香港民主運動民促會的群眾動員紀錄表（1986-90) / 註釋 / 書目 / 主要英文參考書目 / 主要中文參考書目 / 主要參考報章雜誌

published_or_final_version / Law / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Sociology / Master / Master of Philosophy

《基本法》雖然承諾香港循序漸進達致行政和立法機關雙普選，但回歸至今，民主政制不單停滯不前，更有倒退跡象。儘管制度沒有很大變遷，北京政府多次以不同理由拖延民主改革訴求，但親政府陣營卻逐漸擴大組織力量，降低反對派的挑戰可能，使選舉制度的競爭性降低。 / 本文旨在探討，威權政府下舉行的選舉，究竟是促進、還是阻礙民主轉型。一般威權政府下的選舉並不穩定，反對派有可能透過不斷舉行的選舉挑戰政權，推動民主轉型。香港卻恰恰相反，反對派的不但分裂，動員能力亦逐漸降低。本文希望證明，威權主義下的選舉不一定對反對派有利，只要政權能夠鞏固選舉能力，籠絡不同社會界別孤立反對勢力，足以使反對派難以透過直接選舉推動民主。重複選舉亦不一定為反對派帶來好處，長年處於選舉威權，不但使反對派的動員能力降低，也會因策略分歧而導致路線之爭，形成轉型疲勞的局面。 / 研究分為三部分，第一部分將檢視回歸以來選舉制度的變遷及結果，說明回歸後的選舉制度，越來越不利反對派生存。第二、三部分將探討回歸後親政府陣營及反對派的發展，當親政府陣營擴張及善理主從網絡，反對派則逐漸分裂，甚至因策略分歧互相攻訐，使反對派從選舉獲得的資源和挑戰政權的機會越來越少。 / Basic Law has stipulated that Hong Kong will have universal suffrage gradually for legislative and executive branch. Despite that, after the handover from Britain, Chinese government has deferred democratization and suppressed opposition's urge. Besides, the pro-government coalition has established hegemony in electoral arena, which is impossible for opposition to compete with. The competitiveness of the stunned electoral politics has been further decreased. / This article aimed to discuss whether the election hold under electoral authoritarianism is beneficial to democratization. According to hybrid regime researches, continuing elections, despite partially, create opportunities for oppositions to challenge the ruling coalition and install democratic virtues. Hong Kong is suffering from another way. Decreasing mobilization power, splitting opposition forces has shadowed democratic movement. The article aimed to suggest that provided the ruling coalition has ability to increase mobilization power and co-opting political elites, opposition loses opportunity structure to implement democratic process. They have to encounter demobilization and internal struggle within transition fatigue environment. / There are three parts in the research. Firstly, I evaluate electoral reform and the result of repeating elections after handover. It is suggested that opposition becomes difficult to survive. The second and third sections would discuss the development of ruling elite and opposition from 1997-2012. When the ruling elite expands their patron-client relationships, opposition encounters splitting and internal struggles. The resource and chances to challenge the regime has been also decreased. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 區諾軒. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 181-191). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Ou Nuoxuan.

中国的私营企业主支持民主吗？此研究发现整体上他们拥有民主价值观念，但是他们认为民主在中国不可行，所以他们选择维持现状。通过分析一份全国性问卷调查数据，本文指出中国的私营企业主比其他的中产阶级和劳动阶层更加可能支持民主价值观念，在控制了相关的政治性，区域性和基本的个人特征的影响之后，这样的差异依然存在。用结构化方程模型分析一份针对 2071 位私营企业主的问卷调查数据进一步表明私营企业主的民主价值观念并不受他们与政府的政治联系的影响。和政府有各种联系的私营企业主并没有比其他企业主更加保守。然而通过与他们的深度访谈，文章发现拥有民主价值观念的私营企业家同时也支持政府。他们认为民主在中国并不可行，至少在目前这个阶段。因此，他们倾向于选择维持现状。 / Do private entrepreneurs in China support democracy? This study shows that in general, private entrepreneurs find democracy desirable, but their concern with the feasibility of democracy predisposes them toward maintaining the status quo. Drawing on a national survey, this research indicates that Chinese private entrepreneurs are more likely to have democratic values than the non-entrepreneurial middle class and working class, controlling the effects of relevant political, regional and demographic factors. An analysis of a survey data on 2071 private entrepreneurs further shows that politically embedded entrepreneurs are not significantly less likely to endorse democratic values than non-politically embedded entrepreneurs. In-depth interviews suggest that private entrepreneurs who have democratic values tend to argue that democracy is infeasible in China, at least in the near future. In real life, they adopt a pro-government stance in their economic, social and political activities. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Jin, Shuai. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 48-51). / Abstracts also in Chinese.

In my master thesis I analyze the influence of Taiwan's democratization on Cross- Strait relations. The thesis is structurally divided into three main periods: the pre- democratization period, democratization period and the period since the first power alternation in Taiwan. The first chapter analyzes the emergence of the Cross-Strait issue, the period of the Japanese colonization, the Post-Second World War Period, the Chinese Civil War and Cold War period until second half 80s. It points out the main external and internal factors, which influenced the Cross- Strait relations development and also the development of both Chinese states. The subject of the second chapter is the Taiwan's democratization and its internal and external leverage. Based on A. Przeworski's Theory of Games I am comparing the Taiwan's democratization to the Tiananmen incident. At the end of the second chapter I am comparing political system and regime of both Chinese states and I am pointing out salience of Taiwan for China. The final chapter examines the period of the first power alternation in Taiwan and how it influenced the Cross- Strait relations. It analyzes the issue of Taiwanese identity and sovereignty. It points out the three most common sovereignty interpretations over Taiwan. This chapter also entails an analysis...