The dissertation seeks to contribute to our understanding of the role played by parties in the consolidation of democracy in the context of military tutelage and anti-system challenges. It finds that the conceptualization of parties under internal and external pressures in competitive party systems can be a useful framework to understand the constraints faced by parties in new democracies contemplating legal and constitutional reforms as a way to deepen democracy. The dual party framework focuses on the significance of the institutional (identity and party unity) and rational concerns of parties (electoral success) during democratization, at the same time that it integrates the role of the military in mediating the interplay between the internal and external challenges for parties. On the basis of the insights derived from the political party literature and democratization studies, the thesis identifies the formation of political identity as the major internal challenge for parties as they attempt to institutionalize themselves in the context of revitalized electoral competition. A politically autonomous military constitutes the principle external challenge for parties particularly in the presence of "anti-system" actors. The study then traces the formation and development of political identities by the three major Turkish parties that held power between 1983 and 1995. In particular, it analyzes how these pressures unfolded for party leaders as they confronted a controversial dilemma of reconciling democratization with the maintenance of stability due to the ethnic separatist threat, and to a lesser extent, religious fundamentalism. The study demonstrates that while the Turkish party leaders used democratization agendas as an image building' strategy in the formation of their parties' political identities, their capacity to formulate and implement clear, coherent and consistent democratization reform strategies was hampered by the problems they faced in meeting o

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There is a debate on the exact relationship between capitalist development and democracy. Some maintain that there is a theoretical and empirical affinity between the two, while others have demonstrated that authoritarian regimes have been as able to accommodate capitalist development. A major part of this debate revolves around the economic elite's political preferences, which in some cases is perceived as championing democracy while in others, especially in cases of late-development, as supporting the rise of authoritarianism or, in the least, benefiting from the deficiencies of limited democracy. The shifting position of this elite therefore begs the following question: Is there an instance under capitalist development that makes democracy more appealing to the business classes? / To study this question, I have focused on the case of TUSIAD (Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association), a voluntary association made up of several hundred members and founded by the owners of the largest Turkish corporations, that has in 1997 published a report on democratization in Turkey which promoted major changes to the Turkish state and its institutions. The topic is of relevance to the above debate by presenting a case where individuals that were previously perceived as benefiting from the deficiencies of Turkish democracy and/or were too shy politically were promoting major changes to political life. / In order to understand the process behind this break and the shifting political attitude of the association's members, I have conducted several expert interviews with key actors from TUSIAD and the business community. I have also included a comparison between the case of TUSIAD and the demands of associations in the similar cases of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico in order to further test the generalizability of my case study. / My research and the dissertation suggest that changes in the activities of Turkish industry, characterized by economic development and a greater international integration achieved primarily through the European Union, present a new structure of opportunities and constraints for TUSIAD members. The factors that entrepreneurs perceive as being necessary for staying competitive and manage growingly complex enterprises not only make increased democracy more appealing but also create a tension between a segment of business, which is becoming increasingly formal, and a state that has traditionally depended on its informal ties with societies to strengthen its control. / However, my research reveals that these economic changes are not sufficient to constitute a radical break from the state. To understand the case of TUSIAD it should be taken into account that this has been possible because of the economic elite's increasing autonomy (due partly on endogenous changes and the opportunities that internationalization offers) and relationship to the state. Turkish political tradition has enabled the state and governments to isolate themselves from business more than in other cases studied. In fact, states in my comparative cases have tended to grant greater access to business, except for various periods, and as such affected its propensity to mobilize politically. It is therefore the apparent indifference of the Turkish state towards the needs and power of industry that has affected the attitude and ideology of businesspeople, thus leading to a greater break than what the current literature would predict. In outlining this process, the current dissertation therefore contributes to academic debate by outlining the manner in which a positive relationship between the needs of business classes and democracy develops, while maintaining that whether this will lead to a radical break is determined by state tradition.

Over recent years, there has been an intense and polarised debate about the extent of democratisation in Turkey, although this has tended to be defined in institutional terms (for example, in the supposed reduction in military tutelage of the political system and the institutional recognition of minority rights). This study seeks to widen the terms of reference by examining the current challenges confronted by the Turkish media within the media-democracy relationship and, using the Kurdish question as a case study, examines the extent to which mainstream Turkish Media are contributing to deliberative democracy. It also seeks to identify where the Turkish media should be most appropriately located within competing models of media and democracy. This analysis of the challenges confronted in achieving and protecting media freedoms in Turkey is based on three empirical exercises. Semi-structured elite interviews were conducted with representatives from most of the mainstream media organisations in the country. Interviews were also conducted with political party representatives, NGO members and academics to ascertain their opinions of the media s democratic performance and credentials and also explore the extent to which they engage with journalists and news organisations routinely in their work. Finally, a content analysis of the coverage/content of two specific events related to the Kurdish Issue (the launch of the Kurdish language TV Channel TRT6 and Uludere Airstrike) in five mainstream Turkish newspapers was conducted. The interviews reveal sharply contrasting views about the extent to which democratisation processes are progressing in Turkey, and identify a range of barriers that continue to inhibit the democratic performance of the mainstream media (e.g. commercialization, state censorship, and other forms of political pressure). The detrimental impact of these factors is to a large degree confirmed by the content analysis of coverage of the Kurdish issue, but the analysis also shows that news output does contain a degree of diversity and difference. For this reason, it is not appropriate to conceive of the Turkish media as acting entirely as a closed message system for political elites.

Oggi la Turchia occupa oggi una posizione cruciale nello scenario internazionale grazie al processo di profonda trasformazione politica, economica e sociale che è in corso da tempo ed è promosso dall’attuale amministrazione conservatrice-democratica dell’AKP -Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi. (Partito della Giustizia e dello Sviluppo). La sua recente affermazione come partito di centro-destra con radici ideologiche religiose è un esempio di trasformazione politica, anche se, rifiutando ufficialmente ogni riferimento all’Islam e definendosi un movimento politico “democratico conservatore” è stato più volte accusato di minare i fondamentali principi kemalisti su cui si erge la Turchia moderna. Dalla sua peculiarità e dai trionfi elettorali che hanno sancito il suo incontrastato successo nasce l’interesse verso questo partito, volto a far luce sulla particolarità del progetto di “Conservative Democracy” e a esplorare non solo i diversi aspetti sottesi a questo concetto- finora inesistente nella letteratura politica-, ma anche gli effetti sulla vita sociale e sulla politica turca. In altre parole, il successo dell’AKP e i dinamici cambiamenti riflessi dal sistema partitico sono la principale ragione per condurre un’analisi sulla sua organizzazione e strategia e rappresentano anche un interessante caso di studio riguardo il grado di compatibilità tra Islam (moderato) e democrazia liberale. / Nowadays, in the international context Turkey is in a crucial position because of its political, economic and social transformation process. This is the extent of the current conservative –democratic administration. The recent rise of AKP - Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi- ( Party oF Justice and Development) as center-right party with an Islamic background is a clear example of political transformation. However, even if it doesn’t refer to Islam and define itself as an conservative-democratic party there is suspicious that its performance aims to mine the kemalist principles of the Country. From its peculiarity and its electoral triumphs arises the interest towards this party and its idea of Conservative Democracy- a new concept in political literature-aiming to explore the effects on political and social life in Turkey. This big success and the change inside of Turkish party system are the main reason to explore AKP’s strategy and organization. Moreover, this is an interesting case study about the compatibility between moderate Islam and liberal democracy