The backwardness of developing countries is of concern to all students of economic development, particularly to those concerned with formulating programs for correcting regional inbalances within these countries. To this end, a lot of theories have been put forward by economists and by regional geographers.In this thesis an examination is trade of the growth pole theory and its applicability to solving the problems of regional inbalances in developing countries. First, the theory is examined in the light of other development theories. Second, an evaluation is made of the success of growth pole policies and programs in Latin America where a large variety of such programs have been studied. Last, on the basis of knowledge and experiences in Latin America, a theoretical growth pole model is made for Rhodesia. This model employs urban systems on a regional basis do correct inbalances caused by "line-of rail" development, a situation typical of developing countries.

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This thesis reveals some major weaknesses in development strategies based primarily on economic growth and suggests the development record can only be improved significantly by adopting a process of experimental evolution. The obvious starting point is defining and describing development. Development is defined as neither more nor less than the improvement of individual and social welfare, and the first chapter draws on some of the social sciences' literature in an attempt to describe individual and social development. While this description is far from definitive, several tentative conclusions may be drawn. Individuals have a wide variety of needs, from the basic physiological and psychological to those higher needs for fulfillment. These needs are satisfied in varying degrees by the social system (or the social delivery systems). There is no evidence that one type of social system performs better over all than any other. The components of the social system, the subsystems have a complex (and as yet poorly understood) interdependence and interaction, such that disruption of one subsystem is likely to produce (largely unforeseen) ramifications throughout the rest of the social system. Beyond the few basic physiological needs, economic activity satisfies few of the needs and many economic activities inhibit or even preclude many needs' satisfaction. And finally, any intervention which significantly disrupts the social system is likely to be counter-productive, as the reduced systemic performance generally negates the benefits derived from the intervention. For these reasons it is suggested there is little justification for social evangelism or mimicry and that disruptive strategies necessarily have anti-developmental consequences. Economic growth is neither costless nor priceless. The economic evaluations of the last two decades of 'development' efforts bear out this conclusion, that the development record for the Third World has been disappointing and less than adequate, and that the major cause was unanticipated societal repercussions. This appears to have been the case whether the strategies were explicitly disruptive or (as was more generally the case) inadvertently so. There are, however, other reasons for the poor record as well. The traditional 'barriers to development1, and numerous external or unalterable factors (comparative advantages, established markets, demand and supply limits, the 'development of underdevelopment') each contribute in varying degrees to circumscribe the economic growth potential of each country. These constraints further weaken the case for economic growth strategies that require easy access to open markets and to limited resources. It is recognized that a concerted effort is necessary to reduce these external barriers to economic growth, to more equitably distribute the world's resources and income. It is also necessary to develop, at this time, a developmental process that may be applied in any country, within these constraints. The process must seek to determine the level of social performance within the society, because every society has both strengths and weaknesses— and most have more strengths than weaknesses. It must involve the people in determining the level of performance and in defining their own social goals, because only they can legitimately do it and because the involvement is in itself developmental. The intervention must be designed to maintain the level of performance in non-target subsystems (minimize disruption) and it must be flexible, suitable for modification as problems arise. These objectives are facilitated by experiments small in scale and scope. Finally the process must include monitoring and evaluation, not only of the target subsystem, but of the whole social performance. This is necessary to permit adjustments to the strategy, to ensure there are no negative impacts in other institutions, and to improve our understanding of social system behavior, a prerequisite for more efficient development strategies. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

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Thesis (M.Dev.)) --University of Limpopo, 2011 / Local Economic Development has been a focal point for the African National Congressled government since the mid-nineties. It has been one of the ways to redress the injustices of the apartheid regime and to make it possible for the historically disadvantaged individuals to be incorporated into the formal economy and to engage in poverty alleviation programmes which focus on them. The government has already spent millions of rands in funding Local Economic Development projects whose primary goal is poverty alleviation. The purpose of this study was to determine the sustainability of Local Economy Development projects in Thulamela Municipality with the main aim being to determine those factors that enhance the sustainability of a project vis-a-vis those factors that hinder the sustainability of a project. The study took place in Thulamela Municipality of Vhembe District in Limpopo Province, South Africa. A qualitative study was conducted with thirteen (14) participants that included 6 LED projects managers (Brick-Laying Project A has 2 Managers), 6 Community Development Practitioners, a local LED Manager and an LED Officer from the Department of Agriculture. Data was collected with the use of semi-structured interviews and questionnaires. The findings of the study largely confirm what other researchers have already discovered, such as: the role played by the educational level of the beneficiaries of these projects on the success of their projects. The managers of the two best performing projects have post-matric qualifications while the managers of the least performing projects have only grade 12. The two top performing projects also keep proper accounting records and both use the services of an independent auditor to conduct their audits, while the least performing projects (Brick-Laying Project A, Poultry Project C and Poultry Project B) use ad-hoc accounting records and do not carry out financial audits. The majority of the members of these projects, as in most rural areas, are women. However, interestingly, the best performing projects have male managers. One noteworthy finding is that all but one project (Cooperative Project E) had a large number of members leaving the project since their establishment, with Cooperative Project D and Brick-laying Project A being the worst affected. The researcher sees this as an indication that most beneficiaries do not have the patience to persevere. They see LED projects as ‘get-rich quick’ schemes where they expect to earn a lot of money. When they realize that they will not be earning as much as they had hoped for most beneficiaries become de-motivated and leave. The researcher therefore suggests that further in-depth research be conducted on the factors that lead to LED projects losing members as opposed to employing more people. A research study could also be conducted to determine the role of keeping proper accounting records in the sustainability of LED projects. Furthermore, the fact that the least performing projects were those that are headed by women, further research needs to be conducted to determine whether gender plays a role in the success of projects.

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The study was conducted to examine economic relations between the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) and the Mercado Commun del Sur (translated Southern Common Market), in short (Mercosur). SACU was established in 1910 and consists of five member countries, namely; South Africa, Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland. Mercosur was created in 1991 and consists of Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay, with Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela being associate members. The aim of the study was to ascertain whether the Mercosur-SACU relations had created more economic opportunities for both regions. In pursuit of this aim, the study revised and analysed the evolution, development and growth of both Mercosur and SACU. It also analysed the achievements and challenges faced by each of the blocs in their respective regions. The conclusion of the analysis indicate that, countries which were economically stronger before the establishment of formal bloc-to-bloc relations, Brazil in Mercosur and South Africa in SACU, tended to reap disproportionally high dividends than others. The study further concludes that challenges facing Mercosur and SACU countries should not discourage them in pursuing collective developmental initiatives such as regional integration and South-South Cooperation.

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