Orientador: Plínio Almeida Barbosa / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T03:48:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Constantini_AnaCarolina_D.pdf: 2193643 bytes, checksum: c28fc92dc576ce19800b7b9ebea2f365 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: A prosódia é uma informação fônica que está além do nível do segmento, e é usualmente estudada a partir da análise de três parâmetros fonético-acústicos clássicos: frequência fundamental, intensidade e duração. Embora estudada para muitas finalidades, a prosódia geralmente não é a primeira opção de investigação quando se busca conhecer mais sobre diferenças entre variedades de uma mesma língua, por exemplo. Desta forma, o presente trabalho pretende preencher essa lacuna no que diz respeito aos estudos prosódicos para caracterizar e diferenciar variedades faladas no Brasil. O objetivo desta tese de Doutorado foi estudar parâmetros prosódicos que pudessem caracterizar e posteriormente diferenciar sujeitos de diferentes variedades faladas do português brasileiro. Em um segundo momento, ruído aditivo foi incluído nas mesmas amostras de fala utilizadas para caracterizar a prosódia de diferentes variedades do português brasileiro, com o objetivo de entender melhor como os parâmetros prosódicos se comportam quando há inclusão de ruído nas amostras de fala, situação muito comum na área da Fonética Forense. O objetivo secundário da pesquisa foi aplicar testes perceptivos a ouvintes do português brasileiro com a finalidade de saber se eles seriam capazes de reconhecer e categorizar a origem dos falantes de acordo com suas falas. Analisamos amostras de fala espontânea de 35 sujeitos, do sexo masculino, de sete regiões brasileiras: São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Rio de Janeiro, Paraná, Distrito Federal, Região Nordeste e Região Norte. Todas as amostras de fala foram segmentadas em unidades Vogal-Vogal (unidade VV), unidades do tamanho da sílaba que compreendem um segmento que vai do início de uma vogal até o início da vogal imediatamente seguinte, incluindo as consoantes entre elas. O script BeatExtractor foi utilizado para este fim. Posteriormente, outro script (ProsodicDescriptorExtractor) foi executado para extrair oito medidas prosódico-acústicas das amostras de fala: taxa de elocução (unidades VV/s), média de z-score suavizado de duração de unidade VV, desvio-padrão de z-score suavizado de duração de unidade VV, assimetria de z-score suavizado de duração de unidade VV, taxa de proeminência (picos de z-score/s), mediana de frequência fundamental, ênfase espectral e taxa de unidades VV não proeminentes por segundo. Após a análise estatística, os resultados mostraram que cinco dos oito parâmetros conseguiram identificar ao menos uma variedade estudada e assim, diferenciá-la de outras. A mediana de F0 e a ênfase espectral foram capazes de criar dois grandes grupos que separaram DF e Região Norte de todas as outras variedades (exceto pela não diferenciação de DF e Paraná), mostrando que DF e Norte possuem valores maiores de ênfase espectral, bem como têm valores de F0 maiores que os falantes de outras variedades. Assimetria de z-score suavizado e taxa de unidades VV não proeminentes/s foram os parâmetros que colocaram DF e Norte em grupos diferentes. O desvio-padrão de z-score apontou para uma diferença entre dialetos falados na região Norte do Brasil e da Região Sul: a região Norte se diferenciou de SP, DF e Nordeste e SP, que, por sua vez, se diferenciou do PR. Concluímos, portanto, que os parâmetros prosódicos podem revelar características próprias de variedades faladas no Brasil. A análise das amostras de fala em diferentes relações sinal-ruído mostrou que mediana de F0 e ênfase espectral são os parâmetros que sofrem maior perturbação quando a relação sinal-ruído é baixa, sendo que os valores de ênfase espectral chegaram a sofrer mudanças de 154% em relação a seus valores originais. O resultado mostrou que a análise da estrutura rítmica é a mais robusta quando há presença de ruído nas amostras de fala. Por fim, os testes perceptivos foram aplicados em 20 falantes do português brasileiro e a variedade mais reconhecida foi a variedade falada no Rio de Janeiro, que chegou a apresentar 90% de acerto, seguida pela variedade falada no Nordeste do Brasil. Constatamos que a proximidade da região de origem dos ouvintes com a região da variedade presente no teste facilita a identificação correta da variedade / Abstract: Prosody is usually studied by means of three classic parameters: fundamental frequency, intensity and duration. As for as dialectology is concerned, prosody has not been the main focus of the research on different dialects. Our goal is to characterize and differentiate Brazilian Portuguese varieties using prosodic parameters. In order to do that, we analyzed the recordings of spontaneous speech from 35 male subjects from seven different Brazilian regions: São Paulo (SP), Minas Gerais (MG), Rio de Janeiro (RJ), Paraná (PR), Distrito Federal (DF), Northeast (NE) and North (N). The speech samples were segmented in Vowel-to-Vowel units (VV units) using the BeatExtractor script. Later, the ProsodicDescriptorExtractor script was used to extract eight prosodic measures which are: speech rate (VV units/s), mean, standard deviation and skewness of the normalized z-score, prominence rate (peaks of z-score/s), median of fundamental frequency, spectral emphasis and rate of non prominent VV units/s. The statistical analysis revealed that five prosodic parameters were able to identify at least one variety and then differentiate it from the others. Fundamental frequency median and spectral emphasis created two groups which separated N and DF (DF is located at West-Central region, near North region) from all the other varieties, considering that N and DF were characterized by high values of these two parameters. On the other hand, skewness of z-score and rate of non prominent VV units/s set DF and N in different groups. Standard deviation of z-score pointed to differences between North varieties and South varieties. We concluded that prosodic parameters can be useful to differentiate Brazilian Portuguese varieties. Another goal of the current study was to analyze the spontaneous speech 'recordings in distinct signal-to-noise ratios. The analysis has shown that Gaussian, additive noise modifies the values for median of F0 and spectral emphasis (the least has changed 154% related to the original values). The results revealed that the rhythmic organization of the speech chain is more indicated to the analysis of acoustic parameters in the presence of noise. Finally, 20 listeners were recruited to answer a perceptual test (free classification test) about the different varieties spoken in Brazil (we used the same spontaneous speech recordings to run the perceptual test). Rio de Janeiro was the most recognized variety, which presented 90% of correct answers, followed by the NE variety. The closeness of the listeners¿ own origin to the regions of the spoken varieties contributed to correct identifications / Doutorado / Linguistica / Doutora em Linguística

古止攝元音[i]演變為舌尖前高元音[]是中古以來漢語語音一項重大演變，學界一般稱之為「舌尖化」現象。迄今為止，對其演變過程，尤其是對[i]音變後音值的考察尚少見到。 / 本文據實地調查觀察發現：惠陽淡水客家話止攝開口三等[i]元音正處於演變的過程中：老派基本不變，中派開始發生變化，新派完成部分音變；[i]音變的條件為與音、零聲母相拼；音變的過程先從音開始，再擴至零聲母。通過實驗語音學的分析，本文發現惠陽淡水客家話[i]音變後的音值不是一般漢語方言記錄中的[]，而是[]；[i]不是「前化」、「高化」或「舌尖化」，而是「央化」；[i]與零聲母相拼發生音變，更會衍生濁擦音[z]。這種音變以「詞匯擴散」的方式傳播，並與年齡、性別這兩項社會因素有密切關係。 / 在上述淡水客家話[i]音變後之音值性質分析基礎上，再根據《普通話水平測試實施綱要》内之音檔，考察普通話中「」的音值。經過實驗分析後，本文認爲普通話的「」其實就是[]。漢語看似無[]，但[]只是被「」這層假象覆蓋住。 / 希望本文上述的觀察研究能為漢語方言中古止攝元音[i]的歷史演變研究提供一種全新的思考和假設。 / The sound change of vowel [i] to [] of Zhi-Group 止攝 has been an important issue in Chinese phonetics since medieval times, which is commonly called "apicalization" by the academia. Up to now, there are very few studies on the process of the sound change of [i], especially the exact phonetic value of [i] after sound change, can be found. / According to the results of our field work, [i] of Division III 三等, Open Mouth of Zhi-Group 止攝開口 is undergoing sound change in the Hakka Dialect in Danshui, Huiyang. The phonetic value of [i] basically does not change among the members of the old generation, but changing among the members of the middle generation and has changed among the members of the new generation. The phonetic valueof [i] changes when it combines with sibilants and silent initial. The process of sound change starts from sibilants and followed by silent initial. With the analysis of Experimental Phonetics, we find that the exact phonetic value of [i] after sound changeis not []. Even [] is found in many Chinese dialect records, the exact phonetic value should be []. The nature of the sound change of [i] is not "fronting", "raising" nor "apicalized", it should be "centralized". Under the influence of sound change, when [i] is syllabic, voiced alveolar fricative [z] will be produced. The sound change of [i] is spreading by the process of "lexical diffusion" and is closely related to the social factors of age and gender. / We will also examine the exact phonetic value of "" in Putonghua according to Putonghua Shuiping Ceshi Shishi Gangyao 《普通話水平測試綱要》. After experimental analysis, we find that "" should be [] instead. Actually [] exists in Chinese, but it is "covered" by "". / Hope our findings can provide the stuides on the historial change of [i] of Zhi-Group in Chinese dialects with a different thinking angle and a whole new htpothesis. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 黃韻瑜. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 95-100). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Huang Yunyu.

施仲謀. / 據手稿本複印. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學硏究院敎育學部. / Ju shou gao ben fu yin. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 344-355). / Shi Zhongmou. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yan jiu yuan jiao yu xue bu. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 / Chapter （一） --- 引言 --- p.1-2 / Chapter （二） --- 目的 --- p.2-3 / Chapter （三） --- 對象 --- p.3 / Chapter 第二章 --- 問題說明 / Chapter （一） --- 名詞的解釋 --- p.4 / Chapter （二） --- 研究對應關係的理由 --- p.5-7 / Chapter （三） --- 兩語之間的語音對應關係 --- p.7-8 / Chapter （四） --- 從廣州話出發探討其與普通話語音的對應關係 --- p.8-12 / Chapter 第三章 --- 三種音系的概述及比較 / Chapter （一） --- 廣州話的語音結構及特點 --- p.13-19 / Chapter （二） --- 普通話的語音結構及特點 --- p.20-24 / Chapter （三） --- 中古音的語音結構及特點 --- p.24-31 / Chapter （四） --- 廣州話與中古音的音系比較 --- p.32-42 / Chapter （五） --- 普通話與中古音的音系比較 --- p.43-55 / Chapter 第四章 --- 研究設計 / Chapter （一） --- 工具 --- p.56-57 / Chapter （二） --- 方法 --- p.57-63 / Chapter （三） --- 程序 --- p.63-64 / Chapter （四） --- 限制 --- p.65 / Chapter 第五章 --- 廣州話普通話聲母的對應關係 / Chapter （一） --- 對應關係表 --- p.66-123 / Chapter （二） --- 結果分析及討論 --- p.124-153 / Chapter 第六章 --- 廣州話普通話韻母的對應關系 / Chapter （一） --- 對應關係表 --- p.154-232 / Chapter （二） --- 結果分析及討論 --- p.233-276 / Chapter 第七章 --- 廣州話普通話聲調的對應關係 / Chapter （一） --- 對應關係表 --- p.277-289 / Chapter （二） --- 結果分析及討論 --- p.290-293 / Chapter 第八章 --- 研究成果的應用 / Chapter （一） --- 廣東人學習普通話的困難 --- p.294-302 / Chapter （二） --- 兩種語音系統的同異 --- p.302-310 / Chapter （三） --- 如何利用本研究資料 --- p.311-339 / 注釋 --- p.340-343 / 參考書目 --- p.344-355 / 附錄 / Chapter （一） --- 廣州話聲韻母表 --- p.1-4 / Chapter （二） --- 普通話聲韻母表 --- p.1-2 / Chapter （三） --- 中古音聲韻母表 --- p.1-2 / Chapter （四） --- 廣州話普通話字音對照表 --- p.1-112

本文主要探讨苏州话的连续变调，研究范围限定为音译词和复合词这两类多音节词。通过对苏州话语料的详细考察，本文总结出苏州话多音节词连读变调存在三层变调行为：（i）首音节尽量保留原调;（ii）第二个音节的变调与首音节的单字调有关;（iii）其余音节负载一个低平调. / 本文针对舒声调为首音节的多音节词的变调规律，回答了如下问题：（i）苏州话连续变调为何存在三层变调行为，而非两层或者四层？（ii）首音节保持原调的变调行为及它较高的负载声调的能力是由什么决定的？（iii）其余音节所负载的变调是如何决定的？ / 经过分析，我们将苏州话的变调域确认为韵律词，其内部结构如下：每个韵律词的头两个音节构成一个左重双拍音步，剩余的音节不构成音步因而直接被韵律词所管辖。由此苏州话的三层变调行为可以通过这三类音节在韵律词中的不同地位来解释，即：（i）首音节是左重双拍步中的强音节; （ii）第二个音节是左重双拍步中的弱音节; （iii）其余音节因不属于音步而被韵律词直接管辖。 / 基于对苏州话韵律结构的分析，本文以优选论为框架从理论上统一解释苏州话的连续变调。首先忠实性制约条件“禁止删除强音节单字调和“禁止强音节单字调变化 解释了首音节尽量保留原调的变调行为。其次，“禁止复杂仄调“，“禁止升调“和“禁止弱音节负载仄调这些简约性制约条件解释了现今苏州话连读变调模式中不允许出现复杂仄调，升调和非首音节仄调的现象。再次，“尾音节连接低调解释了连读变调后韵律词尾音节所负载的低平调。 / 本文通过对音译词和复合词的分类考察，补充了前人对苏州话连读变调现象的描述。而且在以往理论研究的基础上，本文论证了苏州话的连读变调是由它的韵律结构所决定的，由此补足了苏州话变调现象的理论解释。最后，本文对苏州话的分析也进一步印证了韵律结构的层级关系和韵律单位是人类语言所共有的，但韵律单位的构建在不同语言中则各有不同。 / This thesis presents an optimality-theoretic account of Suzhou tone sandhi from a prosodic perspective. By investigating transliterations and compounds, we find a three-way distinction of tone sandhi behavior within a tone sandhi domain: (i) the initial syllable has the ability to retain its citation tone; (ii) the second syllable carries a sandhi level tone related to the citation tone in the initial syllable; and (iii) the remaining syllables carry a low level tone. / Focusing on the tone sandhi patterns with initial long tones, we answer the following research questions: (i) what determines the existence of a three-way distinction of tone sandhi behavior, rather than a two-way or four-way one? (ii) what determines the tone stability and the greater tone-bearing ability of the initial syllable? and (iii) how are the sandhi tones in the non-initial syllables determined? / The tone sandhi domain in Suzhou Chinese is identified as the prosodic word, which contains a single left-headed binary foot and unfooted syllables. The three-way distinction is then captured by the three prosodic states in a prosodic word: (i) the strong syllable in the left-headed binary foot within the prosodic word, (ii) the weak syllable in this foot, and (iii) the syllables which are unfooted and immediately dominated by the prosodic word. / Based on the analysis of Suzhou prosodic structure, our account of Suzhou tone sandhi is formulated within the framework of Optimality Theory. First, ranking the positional faithfulness constraints with reference to strong syllables higher than the context-free faithfulness constraints guarantees the tone stability of the initial syllables. Second, the undominated markedness constraints which require no complex contour tone and no rising tone trigger contour tone reduction and tone redistribution. Another undominated markedness constraint which requires no contour tone in weak syllables ensures no contour tones in a weak syllable, i.e. a non-initial syllable in Suzhou Chinese. Third, the final low level tone in the sandhi patterns is determined by the markedness constraint which requires low tone assignment in the rightmost syllable of a prosodic word. / This thesis complements the descriptive studies on Suzhou tone sandhi, by adding the data of transliterations and investigating compounds according to the morphological relations. It also confirms the idea in previous theoretical studies on Chinese languages that prosodic structure governs tone sandhi, including the tone stability in strong syllables and the greater tone-bearing ability of strong syllables. This thesis further corroborates the idea in Prosodic Phonology that the prosodic hierarchy and its constituent are universal, though the precise shape of the constituent are language-specific. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Shi, Xinyuan. / "November 2012." / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references. / Abstracts also in Chinese. / ABSTRACT --- p.I / ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.I / Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- OVERVIEW --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- PRELIMINARY: PHONETIC INVENTORIES OF SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.2 / Chapter 1.3 --- THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: OPTIMALITY THEORY --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3.1 --- Basic principles --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3.2 --- Conflicts between markedness and faithfulness --- p.9 / Chapter 1.3.3 --- Alignment constraints --- p.9 / Chapter 1.4 --- ORGANIZATION --- p.10 / Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- INVESTIGATION OF TONE SANDHI PATTERNS IN SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1 --- DESCRIPTIVE STUDIES ON TONAL PHONOLOGY OF SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- Citation tones --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- Tone sandhi --- p.15 / Chapter 2.1.3 --- Interim summary --- p.21 / Chapter 2.2 --- TONE SANDHI PATTERNS IN SUZHOU CHINESE: THE CURRENT INVESTIGATION . --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- Tone sandhi patterns in transliterations --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2.1.1 --- Tone sandhi patterns beginning with long tones --- p.23 / Chapter 2.2.1.2 --- Tone sandhi patterns beginning with short tones --- p.28 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds --- p.32 / Chapter 2.2.2.1 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds I: modification --- p.34 / Chapter 2.2.2.2 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds II: coordination --- p.38 / Chapter 2.2.2.3 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds III: other morphological relations --- p.40 / Chapter 2.2.2.4 --- Intra-variations in disyllabic compounds: [HL.L]~[HL.H] --- p.42 / Chapter 2.2.2.5 --- Inter-speaker variations in compounds: [LL.H]~[LH.H] --- p.44 / Chapter 2.2.2.6 --- Tone sandhi in a group of frequently used compounds --- p.46 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- Tone sandhi in fast tempo --- p.50 / Chapter 2.3 --- SUMMARY --- p.53 / Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- PREVIOUS STUDIES OF TONE SANDHI IN CHINESE LANGUAGES --- p.57 / Chapter 3.1 --- STUDIES OF THE REPRESENTATION OF TONE WITHIN THE SPE FRAMEWORK --- p.57 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- Wang’s (1967) ground-breaking proposal of tone features --- p.58 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- Woo’s (1969) proposal of decomposing contour tones --- p.59 / Chapter 3.1.3 --- Yip’s (1980) proposal of two pitch heights in each register --- p.61 / Chapter 3.1.4 --- Interim summary --- p.63 / Chapter 3.2 --- STUDIES OF TONE SANDHI IN NORTHERN WU WITHIN THE METRICAL-AUTOSEGMENTAL FRAMEWORK --- p.64 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Duanmu’s (1990) moraic analysis of tone re-association in New Shanghai --- p.65 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Ao’s (1993) identification of tone sandhi domain in Nantong Chinese --- p.66 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Interim summary --- p.69 / Chapter 3.3 --- STUDIES OF TONAL DISTRIBUTION WITHIN OT FRAMEWORK --- p.71 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Jiang-King’s (1996) tone-syllable weight correlation in Northern Min --- p.71 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Zhang’s (2001) tone-duration correlation in typological survey --- p.73 / Chapter 3.3.3 --- Interim summary --- p.74 / Chapter 3.4 --- SUMMARY --- p.76 / Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- AN OPTIMALITY THEORETICAL ACCOUNT OF TONE SANDHI IN SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.77 / Chapter 4.1 --- IDENTIFYING THE TONE SANDHI DOMAIN --- p.78 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- Identifying prosodic word as the tone sandhi domain --- p.78 / Chapter 4.1.1.1 --- Brief introduction of the prosodic hierarchy --- p.78 / Chapter 4.1.1.2 --- Prosodic categories relevant to Suzhou tone sandhi --- p.80 / Chapter 4.1.1.3 --- Construction of prosodic word in Suzhou Chinese --- p.82 / Chapter 4.1.2 --- Identifying morpho-syntactic unit as the tone sandhi domain --- p.86 / Chapter 4.1.2.1 --- Inadequacy of identifying morphological unit as the tone sandhi domain --- p.89 / Chapter 4.1.2.2 --- The relation between tone sandhi domains and morphological units --- p.91 / Chapter 4.1.2.3 --- Mismatch between tone sandhi domain and syntactic unit --- p.93 / Chapter 4.1.3 --- Interim summary --- p.95 / Chapter 4.2 --- CONSTRAINTS ON SUZHOU TONE SANDHI PATTERNS --- p.96 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- Constraints on the structure of the prosodic word --- p.96 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Constraints on tone retention --- p.99 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- Constraints on contour tone prohibition --- p.101 / Chapter 4.2.4 --- Constraint on tonal assignment --- p.102 / Chapter 4.3 --- PREDICTING TONE SANDHI PATTERNS BY CONSTRAINT RANKING --- p.104 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- Predicting tone sandhi patterns in transliterations --- p.104 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- Predicting tone sandhi patterns in compounds --- p.110 / Chapter 4.3.2.1 --- Intra-speaker variations in compounds: [HL.L]~[HL.H] --- p.110 / Chapter 4.3.2.3 --- Inter-speaker variations in compounds: [LL.H]~[LH.L] --- p.113 / Chapter 4.3.2.4 --- Tone sandhi in fast speech tempo --- p.117 / Chapter 4.4 --- SUMMARY --- p.119 / Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- CONCLUSION --- p.120 / LIST OF REFERENCES --- p.125