<p> </p><p><em>The universal citizenship rights can not protect the interests of national minorities by systematically excluding them from social, economic and political life. It does this by denying national minorities access to their own societal cultures-a choice enabling background conditions. In order to enable meaningful choice, such cultures needs to be developing. The societal cultures of national minorities will, instead of being a living and developing ones, be condemned to an ever-increasing marginalization if the state follows a hands off approach to ethnicity. Thus the state must give a positive support to national minorities to help them develop their cultures in their own homeland. This can be done by drawing the boundary of the state in such a way that the ethnic minority can constitute a local majority to form a nation, and thus can be entitled to group-differentiated citizenship rights. This inevitably creates mutual-indifference among various nations, and seems to threaten the territorial integrity of the state. But as far as the multinational federation is the result of voluntary union of nations, though the social tie among these nations is weaker than the one found in a nation-state, it can nonetheless be enduring.</em></p><p>                              </p>

The universal citizenship rights can not protect the interests of national minorities by systematically excluding them from social, economic and political life. It does this by denying national minorities access to their own societal cultures-a choice enabling background conditions. In order to enable meaningful choice, such cultures needs to be developing. The societal cultures of national minorities will, instead of being a living and developing ones, be condemned to an ever-increasing marginalization if the state follows a hands off approach to ethnicity. Thus the state must give a positive support to national minorities to help them develop their cultures in their own homeland. This can be done by drawing the boundary of the state in such a way that the ethnic minority can constitute a local majority to form a nation, and thus can be entitled to group-differentiated citizenship rights. This inevitably creates mutual-indifference among various nations, and seems to threaten the territorial integrity of the state. But as far as the multinational federation is the result of voluntary union of nations, though the social tie among these nations is weaker than the one found in a nation-state, it can nonetheless be enduring.

O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar os projetos de cidadania diferenciada de negros e de indígenas no contexto da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-88, uma vez que ambos os grupos tensionam a questão da igualdade e da diferença no debate político e teórico sobre cidadania. Para tanto, realizamos uma reconstrução histórica da mobilização política desses grupos até o momento da Constituinte e, adentrando a ANC de 1987-88 por meio dos seus diários de reuniões, demos voz às lideranças dos dois grupos. A partir disso, compreendemos os níveis que compõem os projetos de cidadania diferenciada e demonstramos a dificuldade imposta à antecipação teórica da justiça em relação à cidadania diferenciada. / This work analyzes blacks and indians differentiated citizenship projects in the National Constituent Assembly context of 1987-88, considering that both groups cause tension in the theme of equality and difference in the political and theoretical debate of citizenship. Therefore, we carry out a historical review of these groups political mobilization until the moment of the Constituent Assembly and, into de NCA of 1987-88, with its journals of meeting, we gave voice to both groups leaders. From this, we understand the levels that compose differentiated citizenship projects and we demonstrate the difficulties imposed to theoretical anticipation of justice regarding differentiated citizenship.

O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar os projetos de cidadania diferenciada de negros e de indígenas no contexto da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-88, uma vez que ambos os grupos tensionam a questão da igualdade e da diferença no debate político e teórico sobre cidadania. Para tanto, realizamos uma reconstrução histórica da mobilização política desses grupos até o momento da Constituinte e, adentrando a ANC de 1987-88 por meio dos seus diários de reuniões, demos voz às lideranças dos dois grupos. A partir disso, compreendemos os níveis que compõem os projetos de cidadania diferenciada e demonstramos a dificuldade imposta à antecipação teórica da justiça em relação à cidadania diferenciada. / This work analyzes blacks and indians differentiated citizenship projects in the National Constituent Assembly context of 1987-88, considering that both groups cause tension in the theme of equality and difference in the political and theoretical debate of citizenship. Therefore, we carry out a historical review of these groups political mobilization until the moment of the Constituent Assembly and, into de NCA of 1987-88, with its journals of meeting, we gave voice to both groups leaders. From this, we understand the levels that compose differentiated citizenship projects and we demonstrate the difficulties imposed to theoretical anticipation of justice regarding differentiated citizenship.