• Refine Query
  • Source
  • Publication year
  • to
  • Language
  • 2
  • 1
  • Tagged with
  • 8
  • 8
  • 4
  • 4
  • 3
  • 3
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

Diplomatic Struggles: British Support in Spain and Portugal, 1800 1810

Unknown Date (has links)
Historians have studied the Peninsular War in great detail for almost 200 years. Most of these works have focused on the military exploits of the involved nations or the individual participants. Those who have examined the diplomatic aspects of the war between France and Great Britain usually focus on the later years of the war when more famous men served in the important positions. The latter period of the conflict also receives more attention from the military standpoint, so there is little surprise in the fact that diplomacy studies often mirror that emphasis. Contemporary scholars have largely overlooked the decade leading up to the conflict, 1800 – 1807. The same observation holds true as well for the early years of the conflict, 1808 – 1810. This dissertation examines these important years, and their influence, on the Peninsular War. The efforts of the British to support both the Spaniards and the Portuguese in the initial years of their struggle against France proved critical to the success eventually achieved in Iberia. In particular, the roles played by two British diplomats, John Hookham Frere and John Charles Villiers, demonstrate the difficulties faced by the British in this endeavor. Their efforts in both Spain and Portugal over the first decade of the nineteenth century typify the British experience in creating, solidifying, and maintaining alliances against France. These men dealt with unstable regency governments, a shortage of money, and even a lack of indigenous popular support at times. While these problems all relate to the situations in the foreign countries in which they served, Frere and Villiers also faced issues at home. From their dealings with the Foreign Office, to the oversight from Parliament, and the press coverage of their missions, they had no shortage of problems in London. Nevertheless, they sought to support the nations to which they were assigned. Most references to these two diplomats in the general histories of the war paint them in a negative light. Their whole story, however, has yet to emerge. This dissertation will take an important step in presenting a more complete story of the British diplomatic struggle in the early years of the Peninsular War. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Summer Semester, 2005. / April 28, 2005. / Peninsular War 1807-1814 -- Diplomatic history, Clarendon John Charles Villiers Earl of 1757-1838, Frere John Hookham 1769-1846 / Includes bibliographical references. / Donald D. Horward, Professor Directing Dissertation; Patrick M. O’Sullivan, Outside Committee Member; Michael Creswell, Committee Member; Jonathan A. Grant, Committee Member; Joe M. Richardson, Committee Member.
2

The Congress of Arras, 1435

Russell, Joycelyne Gledhill January 1951 (has links)
No description available.
3

Diplomatic procedures at Rome in the second century B.C

Piddock, Graham January 1979 (has links)
The diplomatic season was a development of the period after 189 which was unparallelled led but explicable in the context to Rome's new hegemony. It reflects the constitutional role ascribed to the consuls by Polybius, which could only be fulfilled early in the consular year; but there was sufficient flexibility to allow numerous exceptions. It belongs to an annual cycle, artificial in diplomacy but which suited Rome's administrative requirements. Embassies approached a senior magistrate who allocated a senatorial audience and public hospitality. The magistrates thus had power over the order and timing of audiences which could be manipulated for purposes of etiquette or expediency. Abuse of this power and the scope for corruption were limited by the Lex Gabinia, probably of Ciceronian date. Only limited hospitality was provided. The official audience is ignored in some evidence which concentrates on pre-audience unofficial activity which became standard procedure. The motlf of bribery is often associated with this. Because of their influence over senatorial decisions the consulares figured prominently in such activity, but privately connected patroni and hospites played an important part and were thus cultivated by states and dynasts. Senators could interrupt and question ambassadors but this did not facilitate negotiation. The character of the audience as a simple exchange of statements was determined by certain "democratic" features of ancient diplomacy: openness, which suited Rome's purposes and made possible "collective audiences" (these helped the organisation of diplomatic activity and underlined the senate's arbitral role); and restricted ambassadorial competence which was hardly modified in the new conditions. Interpretation of ambassadorial speeches was required for dignity rather than intelligibility. The impression created at an audience might influence the senate; but Polybius often overstates the importance of ambassadors' speeches, since other factors influencing the senate's decisions (unofficial activity and the dependence on senatorial experts) could render the audience proceedings irrelevant.
4

The conduct of English diplomacy in the fourteenth century

Cuttino, George Peddy January 1938 (has links)
No description available.
5

Russian diplomatic ceremonial and European court cultures 1648-1725

Hennings, Jan January 2011 (has links)
No description available.
6

The Role of U.S. Women Diplomats Between 1945 and 2004

Unknown Date (has links)
Though historical scholarship on gender and international relations has grown over the last few decades, there has been little work done on women in the Foreign Service. The main objective of this thesis is to examine the role of women diplomats within the Foreign Service since 1945 and to examine how gender differences related to the low numbers of women within the field during a time when women's representation in other male-dominated fields increased substantially. The study is divided into three chapters that focus on determining how certain factors affected women's marginalization within the field. The first chapter examines the basic statistics of the women diplomats. Chapter two explores the policies of other countries towards accepting female diplomats, and the last chapter investigates how women conducted foreign policy and carried out the goals of the administration. The conclusion provides an analysis of the findings of all three areas and how they relate to women's access to fields both within and outside politics. / A Thesis Submitted to the Department of History in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts. / Spring Semester, 2009. / December 10, 2008. / Perception, Gatekeeper, Ambassador, Diplomacy, Femininity, Masculinity / Includes bibliographical references. / Suzanne Sinke, Professor Directing Thesis; Charles Upchurch, Committee Member; Michael Creswell, Committee Member.
7

Anglo-Italian relations during the First World War

Marcuzzi, Stefano January 2015 (has links)
This thesis examines how the newly-born Anglo-Italian alliance operated during World War I, and how it influenced each of Britain's and Italy's strategies. It argues that Britain was Italy's main partner in the conflict: Rome sought to make Britain the guarantor of the London treaty, which had brought Italy into the war on the side of the Allies, as well as its main naval and financial partner within the Entente. London, for its part, used its special partnership with Italy to reach three main objectives. The first was to have Rome increasingly involved in the Entente's global war, thus going beyond the national dimension of the 'fourth war of independence' against Austria-Hungary. Britain aimed in particular to complete the blockade of the Central Powers by securing the Mediterranean. This result was achieved slowly - Italy declared war on Turkey in autumn 1915 and on Germany in summer 1916 - and not without contradictions, such as Italy's persistently self-reliant trade policy. The second British goal was to keep Italy in the war when the Caporetto crisis hit: British financial, commercial and military support was crucial to restore Italian forces and morale, and allow Rome to pursue to fight. Finally, in a wider geo-political sense, Britain took advantage of its good relations with Italy to balance French influence in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. London acted as a mediator in the controversies between Rome, Petrograd and Paris, taking upon it the task of keeping the alliance together. Anglo-Italian relations worsened in 1918. Britain's leadership within the Entente declined and was gradually replaced by American leadership. President Wilson's 'politics of nationalities' produced a significant revision of the London pact: Italy felt betrayed by its main partner, Britain, and this caused a long-lasting resentment towards London which had far-reaching consequences in the post-war period.
8

Une guerre des étoiles: les tournées de ballet dans la diplomatie culturelle de la Guerre froide, 1945-1968 /cStéphanie Gonçalves de Aranjo-Passos / A Stars' War: ballet tours in the cultural diplomacy of the Cold War, 1945-1968

Goncalves De Aranjo Passos, Stéphanie 25 March 2015 (has links)
Ma thèse de doctorat explore les tournées de ballet des « six grandes » compagnies mondiales pendant la Guerre froide (1945-1968) :ballet de l’Opéra de Paris, Royal Ballet de Covent Garden, Bolchoï et Kirov, New York City Ballet et American Ballet. Elle envisage le ballet comme un outil de diplomatie culturelle transnationale, avec un focus particulier sur les acteurs, qu’ils soient institutionnels, artistiques ou commerciaux. Outre un aspect quantitatif qui nous a amené à cartographier les tournées, il s’agit d’une histoire incarnée par des femmes et des hommes − les danseurs − dont le métier est de tourner sur les scènes internationales, encadrés par des administrateurs et des gouvernements, qui n’ont pas les mêmes priorités et agendas les uns et les autres. <p>Cette recherche met justement en avant les tensions, les difficultés et les dynamiques entre les différents acteurs. La thèse se construit autour de tournées représentatives du lien ténu entre danse et politique, des épisodes qui mettent en valeur les points chauds de cette Guerre froide, ayant comme point de départ ou d’arrivée Londres et Paris.<p>La description de la danse comme un langage, une pratique physique et un métier permet de comprendre en quoi la danse peut être un outil de communication politique et comment il a été utilisé comme tel dans la longue durée et en particulier pendant la guerre froide. Les différentes échelles – le passage régulier de la macro-histoire à la micro-histoire et inversement ainsi que les flux d’échanges culturels multiples à l’échelle internationale – ont permis de mettre en avant une multiplicité d'acteurs (artistiques, gouvernementaux, commerciaux). La constitution du mythe de la danseuse étoile, et ses représentations, résonne également avec d’autres figures mythiques construites dans la Guerre froide, comme celle de l’astronaute. / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Page generated in 0.0818 seconds