Among the Xhosas, the healing sickness called intwaso is interptreted as a call by the ancestors to become a healer. Transpersonalists also see these initiatory illnesses as spiritual crises, while according to the widely accepted Western psychiatric view, illness is purely perceived in physical and psychological terms. A case study was conducted where a single participant who has undergone the process of ukuthwasa and is functioning as a traditional healer was interviewed. A series of interviews were done where information was gathered about significant experiences related to ukuthwasa process. Tapes were transcribed and a case narrative was written and interpreted using the traditional Xhosa beliefs, the western psychiatric and the transpersonal psychology perspectives. Strengths and weaknesses of each perspective were then examined.

This is a study of Cape Nguni diviners practising in the townships of Grahamstown where, during the 1970s, there was a large and active concentration of diviners treating clients from the locality, the rural areas and even the large urban centres further afield. The study situates local diviners in the socio-economic, cultural and religious context of contemporary township Iife during the 1970s (see chapter 1 and section 2.1). The personalities and socio-economic circumstances of diviners (and herbalists) are described as well as their case-loads, the various problems they treat, the relations between them and their clients, the economics of healing and the ethics pertaining to the profession (see chapter 2) . Chapter three focuses on the various problems and afflictions - which are largely of an interpersonal nature - suffered by those who are eventually inducted as diviners and the ritual therapy this necessarily entails. Here we see how the diviner, what Lewis (1971) terms a 'wounded healer', becomes an expert in interpersonal and social relations as a result of suffering problems - largely connected to the family but not necessarily limited to it - in interpersonal relations and that require a ritual, and thus social, prophylaxis. The main theoretical argument is that the diviner, qua healer, functions as a hybrid of Levi-Strauss' s bricoleur and Castaneda's 'man of knowledge' artfully combining the ability of the former to invert, mirror or utilise analogies from linguistics to make everything meaningful and the ability of the latter to creatively bend reality . The diviner's cosmology is described in terms of a 'handy', limited but extensive cultural code/repertoire of signs, symbols and metaphors that is utilised in getting the message across to others and in which animals bear the main symbolic load (see chapter 4). This leads logically to a reappraisal of Hammond-Tooke's (1975b) well-known model of Cape Nguni symbolic structure particularly in so far as it pertains to the way in which diviners classify animals, both wild and domestic (see section 4.6). A striking evocation and confirmation of the view argued here, namely of the diviner as bricoleur/'man of knowledge', is contained in chapter five dealing with an analysis of the diviner's 'river' myth and the context, form and content of the divinatory consultation itself. Finally, the conclusions, arising out of this study of contemporary Cape Nguni diviners in town, are evaluated in the ligrht of Lewis's (1966, 1971, 1986) deprivation hypothesis of spirit possession (see chapter 6)

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of Ph. D (Public Managment), Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017. / Using historic and ethnographic data collected from KwaZulu-Natal, this study examines food consumption from the Zulu Cosmology epistemic point of view. The study highlights as a prosocial behaviour that reduces the importance of self in favour of pro social norms of sharing and selflessness. In other words, personhood is understood as a process and the product of interconnectedness experienced in social spaces. Pro-social behaviour is therefore seen as a determinant of harmonious and social cohesive communities. The study concluded that social cohesive communities develop a set of cultural protocols and boundaries that reward prosocial norms and punish antisocial behaviour. Social cohesion as a concept was also found to be inseparable from the notion of shared values, identities and norms. The study delved deeper and found that the land, the livestock and the cultural rituals to honour the living and the dead defined a unique interconnectedness of the Zulu person to his culture. Eating and eaten products were part of a uniting culture that linked a Zulu man, woman, girls, old men and women to other people, their animals and their land. Zulu people lived for, and with, other people in peace. No man or family would go hungry. Immediately that becomes known, another man would give the destitute man a few cattle to start his own flock and feed his family. This and other eating rituals contributed to a strong, peaceful and social cohesive nation of King Shaka ka Senzangakhona. On the basis of the understanding of the cultural rituals, their link with the land and animal the study concluded that land restitution and agrarian policies can be enhanced by taking into consideration their need for land to cultivate vegetables and fruits that have cultural meaning, policies that enable to have livestock as well as space to practise their culture. The study is envisaged to inspire social welfare and community development policies that instil the prosocial values of Ubuntu and interconnectedness. / D