Since 2003 Iraq has struggled dealing with a new type of federal constitutionalism and engaged in three separate elections. It is expected that this federalism will encompass all the ethnic and religious groups and create more peace and stability between these groups. One of my major concentrations in this thesis will be to evaluate the successes and failures of this new federalism and its record in reducing the range of violence and conflict between Iraqi ethnic and religious groups. My question will be what has been the effect of federalism on ethnic conflict in Iraq? Has federalism in Iraq decreased ethnic violence or fueled more ethnic problems? I will evaluate the role of federalism in Iraq and the effect of federalism on ethnic conflict in Iraq. I will evaluate this new political system and then make some observations about tensions and disagreements between Kurds and Arabs since the implementation of Iraqi federal system. The idea of Federalism in Iraq as an approach to solving these ethnic conflicts and decreasing the bloodshed between all the different ethnic and religious groups has become a necessary and vital strategy for maintaining the fragile balance of power in the new nation . I will focus on federalism's effect on ethnic conflict in Iraq and how federalism can be used to improve the ethnic tensions in the country.

The thesis deals with the ethnic conflict on Sri Lanka from the point of view of the constructivist theory of identity and cultural schemes. The history of the island is explained through this attitude, particulary an impact of colonization on a local society and on contruction of ethnic identities. At the end, the main causes of the conflict are pinpointed, possible future provisions are recommended and the current situation is assessed.

The thesis deals with the role of the United Nations in resolution of international ethnic conflicts. The aim of the thesis is to try to evaluate the activities of United Nations in resolution of the Kosovo ethnic -- cultural conflict. The thesis sets the problem into context of United Nations' approach to ethnic conflicts. It analyses the historical development of the Kosovo conflict and the impact of the United Nations' activities. On basis of the gathered knowledge the thesis concludes that in spite of many partial problems, the activity of United Nations in Kosovo may be considered effective.

Nicole Okonkwo Gattuso Diploma Thesis Abstract Abstract Keywords: Value of Territory, Natural Resources, Niger Delta Region, Ethnic Conflict, Separatist movements, Biafra. This study deals with the ethnic conflict in the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The main objective of this study is to analyse whether the valued territory of the Niger Delta region is the cause of the ethnic conflict in the country. Moreover, the geographical south-east region of Nigeria is trying to separate itself from the rest of the federation because the Igbo population inhabiting this region claims they are being marginalised in the country. However, if the south-east region, called also Biafra, becomes the Biafran Republic it is highly probable that the south-south is going to separate along. The federal government is not satisfied with the fact, as 80% of the federal revenue comes from the Niger Delta region and they do not want to loose it. Therefore, my findings show that if the movement for the secession of Biafra is going to be crushed down by force, the movement will radicalise and get stronger with the intensified dissatisfaction of the local population. The local population of these two geographical regions created many movements which are fighting not only the federal government but also the multination corporation...

Student Number : 0415917E - MA research report - School of Social Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / The conceptualisation of Ivorian crisis as an ethnic conflict is misleading an strengthens Afro-pessimism. This study intends to show that by addressing issues of nationality and ethnicity, the Linas Marcoussis accord dealt woth symptoms rather than the disease of the Ivorian crisis. Moreover, the conflict has become a mode of accumulation. The conflict in Ivory Coast was ignited by contestation over resources. In other words, the conflict has its roots in the scarcity of resources and the absence or failure of institutions that guarantee equitable distribution. Taking cognisance of the fact that the lack of indigenous capital means control of the state is control of economic resources. Economic growth translated to political stability because the various demand-bearing groups were co-opted and rewarded. The advert of democratisation and economic crisis meant access to resources became hotly contested. Against this backdrop, ivoirite became a nationalistic rhetoric for political mobilisation in the absence of an economic alternative grounded in the contradictory nature of the Ivorian state.

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Why do warring parties sometimes end up occupying territories they do not claim while not occupying territory they do? How do they explain this and how can we, from this explanation, understand the logic of occupation at work in these cases? This is the puzzle and the research questions at the center of this thesis. Using a case study of the Karabakh War (1991-94) it seeks to understand the rationale behind the Armenian occupation of previously undisputed Azerbaijani-populated territories around the contested entity of Nagorno Karabakh (NK). To achieve this objective the thesis considers one of these districts – Agdam – and contrasts its occupation to the lack of a concerted effort to return control over previously Armenian-populated district of Shaumyan, a territory Armenians view as under Azerbaijani occupation. The thesis presents the circumstances and rationales provided by the Armenian leaders for these counter-intuitive policies of occupation they pursued during the Karabakh war. This necessitates examining the prior meanings of these places, the contested and changed significance of Agdam and Shaumyan since the Karabakh war. There are five distinct explanatory accounts of logics of occupation. These are accounts based on 1) military/security needs; 2) political elite-driven decisions, 3) economic gain, 4) psychological and 5) identity-related factors. Process tracing and archival research points to primarily security and psychological rationales for the original actions, whereas economic gain played a secondary role. While these factors remain significant in justifying continued occupation, today they are also strongly augmented by newly-constructed identity markers and political elite-driven considerations. / Master of Public and International Affairs