Why has the significant expansion of a certain social category‘s population and influences– largely resulting from the development of national economy and free market system – NOT frequently caused political instability and unrest to the authoritarian regime during the reform era? How has the regime upgraded its strategies of sociopolitical control by combining the market logics into the conventional approaches? And what strategies has the Party-state adopted so as to preempt and prevent this social category‘s potential challenges from occurring in this ever-changing period? This study undertakes the task of understanding these theoretical questions by looking at the Chinese Communist Party-state‘s sociopolitical control mechanisms over intellectuals during the reform era. Particularly, it primarily seeks to tackle the following empirical issues: How has the state-intellectual relationship in 1990s and the first decade of the 21st century been shaped differently comparing with that in the previous period? Why has it been shaped in that particular pattern? In the face of what kinds of institutional and intellectual challenges has the CCP inherited and created a number of different forms of sociopolitical control mechanisms over intellectuals for the persistence of its authoritarian rule in China? And to what extent could this particular pattern of state-intellectual relationship drawn upon the case of China be extended to other transitional countries? The author seeks to solve these questions by developing a theoretical framework of Politicized Academic Capitalism. The core of such a framework is a kind of hybrid institutional arrangement designed by the Chinese Communist Party-state with the employment of the market logics as the important means of interest-sharing with and hence the sociopolitical control mechanism over intellectuals who serve in higher education institutions. By highlighting the scarcity and competition as the primary logics of the market, the author further holds that scarcity is the natural and logical prerequisite for the competition, and the competition is manipulated by the Party-state to keep intellectuals being in a constantly busy situation and working along the line drawn by the state. Moreover, shaping scarcity is an effective way to show the significance of key resources and the related interests that could be shared with the Party-state, and then manipulating competition becomes the only manifested way to enjoy this interest-sharing privilege. This study is conducted on a basis of a variety of data sources, including historical documents, media accounts and reports on currently related events, organizational charts and regulations, university archives, interviews with key persons, and a set of biographies and memoirs of renowned intellectuals. These intensive empirical probes into the complex relations among the Chinese Communist Party-state, institutions of higher learning, and the intellectual community have revealed that economic reforms have strengthened the state capacity and facilitated the state‘s means of social control. And the Politicized Academic Capitalism can be viewed as a hybrid institutional arrangement designed by the Party-state to employ the logic of the market to impose sociopolitical control over university intellectuals during the reform era. / published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

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As populist forces stretch apart higher education and government, colleges lobby in measurable ways to secure scarce funding and respond to accountability regulations. The non-profit and corporate lobbying literature provides a basis of comparison to ask if colleges lobby like corporations, which have been successful lobbyists under challenging conditions. This study shows the connection between federal governmental funding and higher education lobbying by drawing on a newly-created database of 2,000 B.A-granting institutions of higher education from 2004-2014, and explores the rationales and tactics of higher education via interviews with 20 New York-based lobbyists and legislators and a sampling of 200 news stories from the 50 states. I find that for-profit college lobbying is slightly associated with Pell grant dependence and that non-profit college lobbying is strongly associated with federal research and development dependence. I also find that although lobbyists band together to advocate for large pots of funding to help equalize on-campus budgets, colleges break away into increasingly small coalitions as funding becomes more specific along the budget process. Colleges lobby in response to high-profile accountability measures but do so in ways distinct from corporations. The study adds detail to the emerging higher education lobbying literature, opens pathways for further exploration, and offers implications for scholars who study higher education and political science.

M.Ed. (Multiculturalism and Education) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

This report presents the findings of a case study excavating the event of the ‘Critique’ (crit), the formative assessment method within a Fine Art Studio Practice curriculum. Arguments informed by critical postmodernism, education theories and contemporary art criticism are utilised to construct a dialectic of higher education, contemporary art and fine art studio practice. An emphasis is placed on the importance of agency, expressed through intentionality and critical thinking, with a recognition of the relationship between ‘the self’ and ‘the other’. Using critical discourse analysis, the disjunctions between the espoused and practiced curriculum are explored. The researcher analyses how the assessment practices of the case studied are influenced by unexamined agentic factors, such as inter-departmental relations, lecturers’ assumptions and prior learning, and structural determinants, such as the medium-specific Bachelor of Fine Art degree structure and prevailing artistic traditions. The research findings indicate that these are underpinned by tensions between two orientations, the espoused curriculum’s discourse-interest informed by critical theory, and the theory-in-use. The latter is shown to have unexamined modernist leanings towards formalism and a master-apprentice relationship between lecturer and students, which encourages reproduction rather than critical, creative thinking. The dominant discourses in the case studied construct a negative dialectic of the artist-student that can be seen to deny student agency and authorial responsibility. Findings suggest that students experience this as alienating, to the extent that to preserve their sense of self, they adopted surface and strategic approaches to learning. An argument is made for lecturers’ critically reflexive engagement with their teaching practice, and thereby to model ethical relationships between ‘self’ and ‘other’ during ‘crits’. In addition, emphasis is placed on how assessment practices should be more aligned with the espoused curriculum, so that the importance of a reflexive relationship between form and content, process and product, intentionality and interpretation is acknowledged.

published_or_final_version / Education / Master / Master of Education

In April 1927, National Southeast University of Nanjing was taken over and reorganized by the Kuomingtang. In June, Educational Administration Committee of Nanjing National Government combined the former National Southeast University and the other eight official colleges and vocational schools in Nanjing, Shanghai and Suzhou, in order to set up the National Fourth Sun Yat-sen University. In May 1928, the new school was named National Central University confirmedly. By August 1949, the Nanjing Martial Administration Committee of Chinese Communist Party changed the National Central University to Nanjing University. Therefore, the National Central University, the former National Southeast University and the subsequent Nanjing University retained the historical continuousness. But also form 1927 to 1949, the National Central University had its unique features of intellectual and politics. That was an integrated history of school. With the foundation of the Nanking National Government, the National Central University had being turning into the super academy of China. Not only the scale of education or academic prestige but also given political resources, the National Central University held the most important status. At the same time, the relationship between the universty and politics was more and more much closed. The thesis focuses on the history of National Central University form 1927 to 1949, mainly including educational system, academic research, political culture in campus and so on. The items reflected the complex relation between state and intellectual. Besides, the thesis looks into some Chinese universities' issues, about the connotation and reality of nationalization of university, education by partification, academic freedom and faculty governance in context of Republican China. / 蔣宝麟. / Adviser: Yuen Sang Leung. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-03, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 276-288). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Jiang Baolin.