Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies, 2006. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-04, Section: A, page: 1252. Adviser: Donald Warren. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed May 7, 2007)."

While specialists in all academic disciplines identify with their subjects of study, speaking of themselves for example as Classicists or Sociologists, the status of “scientist” is a uniquely distinctive social category. Educators do not fret about how to teach social studies to “nonsocial scientists” or literature to “nonhumanists,” yet in the natural sciences the distinction between “scientists” and “nonscientists” has guided American educational thought and practice for nearly a century. This dissertation examines why American educators adopted a bifurcated approach to science instruction and how their practices produced an increasingly rigid distinction between those inside the world of science and those on the outside. Throughout much of the nineteenth century, U.S. secondary and college pupils followed a prescribed curriculum that included some instruction in natural history and philosophy. By the twentieth century, however, scientists, educators, and political and intellectual leaders concurred that instruction should be reconfigured to serve two purposes: to prepare citizens for life in the scientific age and to prepare scientists to secure its advance. In subsequent decades, amid changing views of the nature of the scientific enterprise and its place in society, educators launched a succession of projects to identify and differentially teach these two groups. In so doing, they constructed and institutionalized the notions of “future scientist” and “nonscientist” as entities distinct in makeup, educability, and civic responsibility. This study examines key episodes in the history of differentiated science instruction that connect varying conceptions of scientists and nonscientists with practices that shaped students’ educational and career trajectories. Educators enlisted new techniques of testing, curriculum and pedagogy, and psychological research to ascertain and measure indicators of scientific character and talent, foster the development of future scientists, and prepare nonscientists to participate in civil discourse and decision-making about scientific matters. These projects shaped beliefs about who could become a scientist, the characteristics indicative of scientific ability, and the social responsibilities ascribed to specialists and nonspecialists. This study sheds light on how educators’ conception of scientific identity developed, how it created and constrained student opportunity, and how it has formulated the relationship between science and the public.

Au debut du XXe siecle, la medicalisation des enfants en milieu scolaire ontarien se realisa entre autres par le recours a l'inspection medicale. Notre these tente de mieux comprendre ce phenomene en examinant l'ensemble des facteurs qui influencerent l'evolution du service au sein du Conseil des ecoles publiques a Ottawa de 1905 a 1932. La medicalisation de l'Etat ontarien etant incomplete, celui-ci autorisa en 1907 l'instauration de l'inspection medicale dans la province sans aller cependant jusqu'a rendre son adoption obligatoire. Autrement dit, la decision de creer ou non un service d'inspection medicale fut laissee a la discretion de chacun des conseils scolaires. Or, nous sommes d'avis qu'a Ottawa le Conseil local des femmes et le Bureau d'hygiene municipal jouerent un role de premier plan dans l'institutionnalisation de l'inspection medicale. Ne fut-ce de l'interet manifeste par ces derniers, il est peu probable que la mesure eut ete mise en place, etant donne que le conseil scolaire etait contre son instauration pour des raisons essentiellement financieres. En guise d'argumentation, nous retracons les pressions exercees separement par le conseil feminin et le bureau en relation avec le processus d'institutionnalisation. Il ressort alors clairement que ce ne fut qu'a la suite des demandes presentees a cet effet que le conseil scolaire proceda d'abord a l'embauche du personnel infirmier en 1913 et ensuite a celle d'un medecin-inspecteur d'ecoles en 1931. Le reamenagement du service ne s'avera reellement complete cependant qu'en 1932. C'est ainsi qu'un service d'inspection medicale put enfin etre complete en depit de l'echec des mesures incitatives de l'Etat aupres du conseil scolaire de meme que du refus du corps medical d'Ottawa d'appuyer la campagne en ce sens.

No description available.

This dissertation is a study of the historical and theological bases of the Christian religious education program in the public schools of Ontario. The role of the churches in the introduction, maintenance, decline and disappearance of the program is investigated. In the early years, the Christian Churches in Ontario reflected the religious divisions of Europe following the Reformation. The overwhelming majority of citizens belonged to five major churches, but these were often in conflict with each other over doctrine and vied for government support for their own schools. A system of non-sectarian public schools which provided for optional religious instruction outside of the regular school hours emerged by the middle of the nineteenth century. It was not until the late nineteenth century when Canada was expanding in territory and in population that a movement towards unity in the Protestant churches emerged---partly as a strategy to evangelize the West and partly as a result of like-mindedness in combatting social ills. The union of churches and their increased cooperation in moral and social crusades was a pre-condition for their concerted efforts to obtain increased Christian teaching in the schools. Devotion to a common Bible enhanced these efforts. Under wartime conditions, the Conservative government of George Drew introduced a mandatory program of Christian religious education in the schools in 1944. Supporters of the program thought Christian teaching to be a remedy for various ills: the threats of fascism and communism, juvenile delinquency, sexual promiscuity, moral decline in general. Adherence to the regulations grew lax due to increasing opposition from minority religions and secular groups. The factors which led to the establishment of the program of Christian religious education in 1944 included: reaction to the growth of Roman Catholic separate schools, Protestant ecumenism, concern about juvenile delinquency, the institutional aims of the churches, fears about decline in Sunday School attendance, general concern for the spiritual welfare of children, fears about the growth of secularism and atheism. The factors in the decline of the program relate to the exclusivity, christocentrism, and irrelevance of the Teachers' Guides, but more importantly to the rise of secular attitudes, the indifference of the public to the churches, increased diversity in society, and the basis of minority rights in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The program was gradually abandoned and officially dropped in 1990. The factors which led to this development included: the multifaith nature of the society, dated or non-existent curricula and materials, lack of support from society-at-large, the exclusivity of the Christian program, and little interest from teachers and students.

This study discloses the difficulties encountered in establishing and operating a law school under the auspices of the Young Men's Christian Association of Cincinnati and Hamilton County. It notes the points of friction which arise when an educational institution is forced to adjust all phases of its operation to conform with the organizational structure, financial policy and administrative procedure commonly required of all organizational units sponsored by the Young Men's Christian Association. The history of the development of the law school from 1893 to 1951 is treated in five chapters. Each chapter designates a specific period marked by a shift in the structural organization governing the relationship of the law school with the YMCA. Chapter I includes the first twenty-three years of the existence of the law school under the direction of its founder, Robert M. Ochiltree. During this period, the law school was operated by Dean Ochiltree whose relationship with the YMCA was governed by a contractual agreement negotiated by the Dean and the YMCA Board of Directors. In this period controversies arose at periodic intervals when the Dean and YMCA Directors renegotiated their contractual agreement. Eventually the YMCA officials became dissatisfied with the contractual basis of their relationship concerning the law school and contended that it should be more closely integrated into the organizational structure of the Association. In 1916, Dean Ochiltree and members of the YMCA Board of Directors, initiated a merger agreement whereby the YMCA Night Law School became the Evening Division of the Cincinnati Law School. This merger lasted only one year. During this year, however, and before classes actually began, the YMCA Board of Directors reversed themselves and decided to continue operating an evening law school. Thus, the second period of this study finds the law school integrated into the YMCA organizational structure. Between the years 1916 and 1926 the law school was ranked in the YMCA organizational structure as a subdivision of the Educational Department. The Educational Department was a subdivision of the Central Branch and the Central Branch was only one of several other major organizational units sponsored by the YMCA. The YMCA Board granted Branch status to the Educational Department in 1926. This marked the third phase in the history of the law school and upgraded its organizational rank to that of a subdivision of a Branch. During this period, the YMCA General Secretary Launched a drive to eliminate the entire educational program sponsored by the Association. In 1933 the Educational Branch was reduced in organizational status to a Department of the Central Parkway Branch. This temporary setback introduces the fourth period of this study with the law school placed in the same organizational status it experienced form 1916 to 1926. In this period a new factor began to influence the operation of law schools in the state of Ohio. An organization called the League of Ohio Law Schools was formed and established standards recognized by the Supreme Court of Ohio as requirements which all law schools within its jurisdiction must meet in order to graduate students eligible for the State Bar Examination. The last chapter of this study begins in 1942 when the YMCA Board of Directors returned the Educational Department to Branch status in the organizational pattern of the Association and ends in 1951 when the Young Men's Christian Association of Cincinnati and Hamilton County finally approved the establishment of a separate and independent governing board for the College. It is evident from this study that it is impossible to operate an accredited college level educational program within the conventional pattern of organizational structure of the YMCA and conform to the standards required by the recognized educational authorities. It is possible, however, for an educational institution to retain an affiliation with the YMCA and comply with the requirements of the college accrediting agencies if the YMCA grants broad powers of administrative authority to those directly responsible for the operation of the educational program. A more satisfactory arrangement could be effected, however, if the College were incorporated separately under its own Articles of Incorporation. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

Abstract not available.

Abstract not available.

Le decrochage scolaire est aujourd'hui une preoccupation sociale importante contre laquelle des mobilisations autant politiques que sociales sont entreprises. Les conjonctures socio-economiques et politiques des annees soixante ont eu une incidence particuliere sur le systeme d'education. Depuis lors, nous avons assiste a la montee de discours institutionnels sur l'education qui ont de plus en plus attire l'attention des experts, des politiciens, des professionnels. Alors que ces discours sont venus preciser un curriculum academique comportant des etapes particulieres auxquelles les jeunes quebecois doivent se soumettre, le systeme d'education est devenu la cible de tout un mecanisme de surveillance, autant externe qu'interne. Un systeme normatif ou de "penologie" scolaire est alors ne: reglements, sanctions, penalisations, "individualisation" du probleme identifie et marginalisation des non-conformistes. Ce processus de creation d'une nouvelle cible de regulation sociale est l'object de notre analyse. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

Although democracy demands a pedagogy that provokes students to think independently (termed “liberal”), the dominant pedagogy in American schooling relies heavily on drill, memorization, and recitation. The purpose of this study is to shed light on two interrelated questions: (1) Why does a liberal pedagogy fail to gain ascendancy in American schooling? And (2) Why does a liberal pedagogy, despite its historical failure to enter the mainstream, keep coming back at all? The study begins by establishing a definition for liberal pedagogy by tracing its historical roots in selected figures and movements such as Jean Jacques Rousseau, Friedrich Froebel, Francis W. Parker, the Thirty Schools of the Progressive Education Association's Eight Year Study, and the Coalition of Essential Schools founded by Theodore R. Sizer. The study next examines three schools in the Boston area that exhibit a liberal pedagogy: The Temple School founded by Bronson Alcott in the 1830s, The Quincy Public Schools superintended by Francis W. Parker in the 1870s, and the Beaver Country Day School founded in 1920. A narrative of each school is presented based on mainly on archival research. Next, a cross-school comparison is made based on a set of analytical questions. Patterns and themes that emerge from the comparison constitute several findings, among them: (1) Though often labeled as “experimental” or “new,” schools driven by a liberal pedagogy are heirs to a tradition that is centuries old; (2) when institutional support is linked to school mission, the odds for success over the long term are greatly enhanced; (3) Urban-industrial culture, as the primary shaping force in American schooling for the last 150 years, has worked against the viability of schools with a liberal pedagogy; (4) Liberal schools have largely failed to expand their influence beyond the upper class; (5) Successful liberal schools must balance the tension between institutional permanence and educational performance; (6) Schooling for a democratic society necessarily includes commitments to both liberal pedagogy and inclusion of all children.