Turbulence in the British Columbia education system encouraged Ministry and School District administrators to develop a holistic, formative evaluation process for school districts. Called the Information Profile System (IPS), the process was intended to assist district administrators with improvement of accountability, professional teamwork and commitment, decision making, and gain of public support for education. However, the literature also suggested that while formative evaluation holds great theoretical promise for administration, the practical results are often disappointing. Examination of a first pilot confirmed this viewpoint. The central problem of the study therefore became to ascertain whether the IPS could be refined and reformatted to act as an effective leader-substitute in British Columbia; for the literature on both administration and evaluation suggested that the IPS could be considered a "leader-substitute" evaluation process, a series of tasks, procedures, and processes intended to enhance leadership effectiveness through stakeholder involvement in evaluation. To solve the problem action research employing the IPS in evaluations of three school districts was conducted during the 1988-89 school year. Interviews of stakeholder participants in each district evaluation and other data were naturalistically evaluated in order to solve the main problem and three sub-problems: (1) how could the IPS be refined to improve the achievement of its goals; (2) what factors limited the IPS's effectiveness; and (3) what insights can be gathered into the leader-substitute construct of leadership? The IPS procedures and processes are described and critiqued in three district evaluation case studies. Meta-evaluation of the cases produced findings related to the restructuring of the IPS, its effectiveness, and the role of formative evaluation in administration. The research suggests that a substantially reconstituted IPS can assist administrators with accountability, but only marginally effect the other purposes envisaged for the evaluation unless ownership and follow-through amongst the larger community of stakeholders is developed. The research also suggests that senior administrator commitment, moral fibre, and management of meaning skills are major factors limiting the success of formative evaluation. Finally, the research suggests that the "leader-substitute" construct of leadership has some conceptual merit as a characterization of the IPS, and for the dynamics of leadership; a characterization commensurate with a "subjectivist", or "humanistic" view of administration. / Graduate

With the onset of the depression in 1929 the Province of British Columbia found itself almost immediately in economic difficulties. As a province dependent to a very great extent on exports of raw and semi-processed products it faced by the winter of 1930 mounting unemployment, with which it was ill-prepared to cope, and declining revenues. The efforts of the Conservative government in power to meet the situation by attempting to implement the policy of a balanced budget were unsuccessful and by 1932 the province was facing a severe financial crisis. In the ensuing failure of morale the Conservatives allowed representatives of the business community, chiefly concentrated in Vancouver, to inspect the activities of all government departments and make recommendations which would help to improve the condition of the provincial treasury. The resultant Kidd Report, as it became known, threw education into high relief and in the subsequent election it became an important issue. The controversy over education brought out a number of issues which had been the cause of debate and dissension since the turn of the century. The question of the best means of financing the schools was the most pressing and.obvious one. Every economic recession in the past had highlighted this problem as schools under such circumstances usually suffered from inadequate local revenues and reduced government grants. In addition the problem was generally exacerbated by an increasing school population. But other questions disturbed educations: what subjects should be taught in schools, what emphasis should be given to traditional academic subjects and what to the more practically oriented ones, what structure of schools was the best, what was the function of public education, and most fundamentally, what was the philosophy of education which should be adopted in the changed and changing world of the twentieth century? Until very recently it has generally been stated by historians and educators writing about education that the changes which were proposed and implemented during the decade of the thirties were the product of a genuinely humanitarian impulse, a desire to make education more democratic and egalitarian, and dedicated to the cultivation of the worth of each individual child. However, the developments in the field of education which occurred under the Liberal administration cast serious doubts on this interpretation. The Liberal victory in the fall of 1933 brought to power in British Columbia a party which under the leadership of T. Dufferin Pattullo was, at least in stated social and economic policy, considerably to the left of the federal Liberal party, but nevertheless strongly committed to the preservation of the capitalist system. Pattullo appointed as Minister of Education G.M. Weir, head of the Department of Education at the University of British Columbia and coauthor of the Putman-Weir Survey, an exhaustive survey of education in the province written in 1925. He was widely known as a progressive educator, one who was in favour of the innovations of the "new education". Such innovations were not new to British Columbia but the reasons for their adoption during the first two decades of the century suggest primarily a desire for the production of a socially and vocationally efficient citizenry, a theme which is also basic to the Putman-Vfeir Survey. Similarly through the years from 1933 to 1940 the sane motivation seems apparent in the words and actions of those educators most responsible for educational change. Both the King Report on School Finance in British Columbia written in 1935 and the extensive curriculum revisions of elementary, junior and senior secondary schools undertaken in 1935, 1936 and 1937 give ample evidence of this. In addition there appears during these years an overriding concern with the preservation of the state. Fearful that the democratic state as they understood it had been placed in jeopardy by an unbridled individualism, educators in British Columbia sought to make the schools primarily the vehicle for what they tented the socializing of the student. In effect this amounted to conditioning him to retain those values which were deemed vital for the state's survival, and to reject those which seemed to act as a barrier to necessary social and economic change. / Education, Faculty of / Graduate

This thesis examines the dimensions of user engagement with an online forum on British Columbia's new policy on educational technology. Contributors to this site included elementary and secondary schoolteachers, distance educators, parents, students, researchers, BC Teachers' Federation staff and officers of the Ministry of Education. In the main, they did not respond to Ministry documents directly. Analysis of the site discussions reveals that participants mostly used the forum to debate the principles o f teaching and learning with technology. While many messages included collegial expressions of support, others revealed the political, ideological and pedagogical boundaries between the various education sectors in BC. In follow-up interviews, participants reported that the discussions were often fragmented and hard to follow, that it was virtually impossible to tell i f anyone else was listening, and what the impact of their contributions was. They were conscious of their professional status and uncomfortable about not knowing the size or identity of their audience, which included the Ministry of Education (BC). From the interview data I argue that the forum did not significantly increase public contributions to policy debate. However, while they acknowledged the shortcomings of the medium, participants still agreed that a forum of this kind was a valuable feature of their professional and political landscapes. In conclusion, I argue that different users differed enormously in their expectations of what the site offered, what their contribution might be and how such a site contributed to the realm of policy discussion at large. The political and educational agendas of those who did participate remained separate, fragmented and occasionally conflicting. The terms of engagement and motivation, as well as the shortcomings of this type of discussion, form the subject of this analysis. The conclusions reached here are critical to understanding the potential of this new medium for encouraging greater dialogue around political and professional issues in education and other fields. Finally, I argue that, i f the Ministry of Education could show a more effective listening presence, the texts which are produced on a future site would be more likely to answer their policy consultation needs.

S.J. Willis was British Columbia’s longest-serving Deputy Minister. Between 1919 and 1945 he influenced directly the policies and procedures of the province’s educational enterprise. Willis assumed a primary role in policy-making. It was to Willis that the Ministers, school inspectors, teachers and members of the public made known their suggestions and complaints. Although he continued to manage the Department with a high degree of central authority, he was more inclusive of teachers and trustees in policy-making than were his predecessors. His ingenuity in this respect is one of the central themes of this thesis. Willis set the tone for dealings with the Department. Public perceptions of the Department, and those of teachers in the field, were determined largely by their dealings with the Deputy. He managed day-to-day operations while Ministers tended political relationships and participated in government. As Deputy Minister, Willis provided political advice to his ministers, thus taking responsibility for controversial issues as an ordinary duty. All the while, Willis showed he understood the scope and limitations of his powers. He was careful to support the politicians and governments he served without assuming the mantle of elected representatives. The record of his career exemplifies that of the traditional civil servant. This study concludes that Willis’ bureaucratic legacy can be instructive to contemporary government officials and suggests that the Deputy performs an important function in providing continuity between changing governments and Ministers.

This thesis examines the dimensions of user engagement with an online forum on British Columbia's new policy on educational technology. Contributors to this site included elementary and secondary schoolteachers, distance educators, parents, students, researchers, BC Teachers' Federation staff and officers of the Ministry of Education. In the main, they did not respond to Ministry documents directly. Analysis of the site discussions reveals that participants mostly used the forum to debate the principles o f teaching and learning with technology. While many messages included collegial expressions of support, others revealed the political, ideological and pedagogical boundaries between the various education sectors in BC. In follow-up interviews, participants reported that the discussions were often fragmented and hard to follow, that it was virtually impossible to tell i f anyone else was listening, and what the impact of their contributions was. They were conscious of their professional status and uncomfortable about not knowing the size or identity of their audience, which included the Ministry of Education (BC). From the interview data I argue that the forum did not significantly increase public contributions to policy debate. However, while they acknowledged the shortcomings of the medium, participants still agreed that a forum of this kind was a valuable feature of their professional and political landscapes. In conclusion, I argue that different users differed enormously in their expectations of what the site offered, what their contribution might be and how such a site contributed to the realm of policy discussion at large. The political and educational agendas of those who did participate remained separate, fragmented and occasionally conflicting. The terms of engagement and motivation, as well as the shortcomings of this type of discussion, form the subject of this analysis. The conclusions reached here are critical to understanding the potential of this new medium for encouraging greater dialogue around political and professional issues in education and other fields. Finally, I argue that, i f the Ministry of Education could show a more effective listening presence, the texts which are produced on a future site would be more likely to answer their policy consultation needs. / Education, Faculty of / Curriculum and Pedagogy (EDCP), Department of / Graduate

S.J. Willis was British Columbia’s longest-serving Deputy Minister. Between 1919 and 1945 he influenced directly the policies and procedures of the province’s educational enterprise. Willis assumed a primary role in policy-making. It was to Willis that the Ministers, school inspectors, teachers and members of the public made known their suggestions and complaints. Although he continued to manage the Department with a high degree of central authority, he was more inclusive of teachers and trustees in policy-making than were his predecessors. His ingenuity in this respect is one of the central themes of this thesis. Willis set the tone for dealings with the Department. Public perceptions of the Department, and those of teachers in the field, were determined largely by their dealings with the Deputy. He managed day-to-day operations while Ministers tended political relationships and participated in government. As Deputy Minister, Willis provided political advice to his ministers, thus taking responsibility for controversial issues as an ordinary duty. All the while, Willis showed he understood the scope and limitations of his powers. He was careful to support the politicians and governments he served without assuming the mantle of elected representatives. The record of his career exemplifies that of the traditional civil servant. This study concludes that Willis’ bureaucratic legacy can be instructive to contemporary government officials and suggests that the Deputy performs an important function in providing continuity between changing governments and Ministers. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

This study of intergovernmental relations in education explored the nature of school district political responses to provincial government policies in British Columbia. Specifically, it examined the practice of a particular set of political responses (Elkin, 1975): coalition, socialization of the conflict, making use of a supraorganization, exchange, co-optation and penetration. Based on theoretical and empirical studies of governmental policy making (Doern and Phidd, 1983; Lowi, 1964, 1972; Rowat, 1980; Simeon, 1976) and interorganizational influence (Elkin, 1975; Rhodes, 1980), a three dimensional conceptual framework was developed consisting of policy types, school district types and types of political response. Ministry policy type was classified according to !?regulatory! (instructions for school districts to integrate severly handicapped children into regular school programs) and “distributive” (guidelines to school districts for capital expenditure allocations). School district type was distinguished by school board partisanship and regional—metropolitan variants. Ultimately, three school districts were chosen for indepth investigation and comparative analysis. This study may be regarded as an academic policy analysis using a multi-case study methodology. Based on interviews with key district office personnel and school trustees, along with document analysis and other evidence, the study yielded thick descriptions of the operational characteristics ‘of each political response in action. This study substantiated the proposition that political behaviour is characterized by certain patterns or regularities. However, while the “language” of organizational response proposed by Elkin (1975) provides insight and guidance for the study of intergovernmental relations, it does not appear to be comprehensive. Other district political responses come into play. Nevertheless, the findings of this study support Elkin’s proposition that the political responses of local government organizations are closely associated with their dependency on environmental resources. Application of the multi—case methodology in this research supports the contention of certain policy researchers that it is possible to combine intensity of study with comparative variations of key variables. The inter—disciplinary nature of this study, along with the systematic use of different kinds of definitions and the interactive opportunities associated with “on site” observation, were found to be very important and necessary features of this qualitative research. The findings and conclusions suggest that research should be undertaken on other typologies of political influence which were identified in the course of this study. Incorporation of what organizational theorists refer to as “resource dependency theory,” or “the political economy perspective” may aid in examining more comprehensively how school districts, as special purpose governments, adapt to provincial government authority. The study concludes with speculations about the nature and usefulness of school district political responses within the context of local-provincial relations in education.

This study of intergovernmental relations in education explored the nature of school district political responses to provincial government policies in British Columbia. Specifically, it examined the practice of a particular set of political responses (Elkin, 1975): coalition, socialization of the conflict, making use of a supraorganization, exchange, co-optation and penetration. Based on theoretical and empirical studies of governmental policy making (Doern and Phidd, 1983; Lowi, 1964, 1972; Rowat, 1980; Simeon, 1976) and interorganizational influence (Elkin, 1975; Rhodes, 1980), a three dimensional conceptual framework was developed consisting of policy types, school district types and types of political response. Ministry policy type was classified according to !?regulatory! (instructions for school districts to integrate severly handicapped children into regular school programs) and “distributive” (guidelines to school districts for capital expenditure allocations). School district type was distinguished by school board partisanship and regional—metropolitan variants. Ultimately, three school districts were chosen for indepth investigation and comparative analysis. This study may be regarded as an academic policy analysis using a multi-case study methodology. Based on interviews with key district office personnel and school trustees, along with document analysis and other evidence, the study yielded thick descriptions of the operational characteristics ‘of each political response in action. This study substantiated the proposition that political behaviour is characterized by certain patterns or regularities. However, while the “language” of organizational response proposed by Elkin (1975) provides insight and guidance for the study of intergovernmental relations, it does not appear to be comprehensive. Other district political responses come into play. Nevertheless, the findings of this study support Elkin’s proposition that the political responses of local government organizations are closely associated with their dependency on environmental resources. Application of the multi—case methodology in this research supports the contention of certain policy researchers that it is possible to combine intensity of study with comparative variations of key variables. The inter—disciplinary nature of this study, along with the systematic use of different kinds of definitions and the interactive opportunities associated with “on site” observation, were found to be very important and necessary features of this qualitative research. The findings and conclusions suggest that research should be undertaken on other typologies of political influence which were identified in the course of this study. Incorporation of what organizational theorists refer to as “resource dependency theory,” or “the political economy perspective” may aid in examining more comprehensively how school districts, as special purpose governments, adapt to provincial government authority. The study concludes with speculations about the nature and usefulness of school district political responses within the context of local-provincial relations in education. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate