Self-control is required when an agent encounters some opposition to acting on her better judgments. One such opposition is diminished motivation, that is, a lack of desire to act on a better judgment. Thomas Connor compares two views of successful self-control, actional (i.e. the view that self-control is produced by a motivated action) and non-actional (i.e. the view that self-control consists of having unmotivated thoughts), and argues that non-actional views are better at explaining successful self-control in cases of diminished motivation. I reject Connor’s suggestion that successful self-control is likely to be non-actional by presenting two arguments: (1) non-actional views do not possess an advantage in explaining successful self-control because of a failure to provide an account of how self-controlling thoughts arise when self-control is required, and (2) actional views can account for successful self-control in the case of diminished motivation, namely, by prescribing minimally taxing strategies of self-control.

Prior research provides evidence that people can improve their self-control performance through practice (e.g., Muraven, Baumeister, & Tice, 1999). Building on the Strength Model of self-control (Baumeister, Heatherton, & Tice, 1994; Muraven & Baumeister, 2000), this work assumes that self-control practice operates by increasing the capacity or endurance of a domain-general self-control resource. However, recent developments that highlight the role of motivation in self-control performance (e.g., Clarkson, Hirt, Jia, & Alexander, 2010; Job, Dweck, & Walton, 2010) suggest that changes in values, expectations, and beliefs may be driving the improvements over time. In the current study, I adapted a paradigm from the self-control training literature (Muraven, 2010a) in order to examine the possible role of motivational mechanisms in self-control performance improvement. Participants were randomly assigned to one of three practice conditions: a self-control task (avoiding sweets) or two control tasks. Self-control performance and potential motivational mechanisms were assessed both before and after the two-week practice period. Consistent with earlier research, self-control practice was associated with improved performance on an initial self-control performance task; however, there was no evidence of improvement in a post-depletion self-control task. Although self-control practice was not strongly associated with changes across potential motivational mechanisms, some exploratory analyses suggested that self-control instrumentality (beliefs that successful self-control is a means to central, self-relevant outcomes) may be an important predictor of self-control performance. I discuss implications for motivational models of self-control.

Prior research provides evidence that people can improve their self-control performance through practice (e.g., Muraven, Baumeister, & Tice, 1999). Building on the Strength Model of self-control (Baumeister, Heatherton, & Tice, 1994; Muraven & Baumeister, 2000), this work assumes that self-control practice operates by increasing the capacity or endurance of a domain-general self-control resource. However, recent developments that highlight the role of motivation in self-control performance (e.g., Clarkson, Hirt, Jia, & Alexander, 2010; Job, Dweck, & Walton, 2010) suggest that changes in values, expectations, and beliefs may be driving the improvements over time. In the current study, I adapted a paradigm from the self-control training literature (Muraven, 2010a) in order to examine the possible role of motivational mechanisms in self-control performance improvement. Participants were randomly assigned to one of three practice conditions: a self-control task (avoiding sweets) or two control tasks. Self-control performance and potential motivational mechanisms were assessed both before and after the two-week practice period. Consistent with earlier research, self-control practice was associated with improved performance on an initial self-control performance task; however, there was no evidence of improvement in a post-depletion self-control task. Although self-control practice was not strongly associated with changes across potential motivational mechanisms, some exploratory analyses suggested that self-control instrumentality (beliefs that successful self-control is a means to central, self-relevant outcomes) may be an important predictor of self-control performance. I discuss implications for motivational models of self-control.

Research evidence is suggestive of a strength model of self-control, also known as ego depletion, in social psychological literature. Engaging in an initial task of self-control depletes a limited resource, resulting in less self-control on a subsequent, unrelated task. The strength model of self-control has been applied to many practical, everyday situations, such as eating behaviors among dieters. Newer studies suggest that blood glucose is the resource consumed during acts of self-control. Consuming glucose seems to "replete" individuals who have been depleted, improving performance and self-control. The current study aimed to examine the effects of ego-depletion on restrained eaters. The hypothesis was that restrained eaters who were depleted by a task of self-control would exhibit more disinhibition on a taste-test task than would restrained eaters who were not depleted. However, if the participants were given glucose following the depletion task, then their self-control would be "repleted" and they would exhibit similar control to that of the non-depleted participants. Contrary to expectations there were no differences between the groups in terms of total amount of cookies consumed. These results are inconsistent with a glucose model of self-control. Suggestions for future research and implications of the findings are discussed.

This study examines the effects of unit-level culture on abusive supervision. Utilizing Baumeister and colleagues' (2000) self-regulatory resource depletion model as an explanatory framework, I argue that aggressive unit-level culture will increase the incidence of abusive supervision, whereas people- and team-oriented unit-level cultures will decrease the incidence of abusive supervision. In line with these arguments, I then examine the degree to which those effects are mediated by ego depletion. In sum, I argue that aggressive unit-level culture will increase, while people- and team-oriented cultures will reduce, the amount of supervisor ego depletion, which then increases the incidence of abusive supervision. Using Hobfoll et al.'s (1990) Social Support Resource Theory, I further argue that the relationship between unit-level culture and ego depletion is moderated by supervisor home social support. I tested my model using a sample of 340 nurses and 52 nursing directors working in a large hospital system in the Southwestern United States. I was unable to demonstrate support for my model as hypothesized. However, I am able to contribute to the literature concerning antecedents to abusive supervision by showing that alternative conceptualization of culture impact abusive supervision. Further, I show that aggressive norms mediate the relationship between aggressive culture and abusive supervision. I also contribute to the literature examining resource depletion in the workplace by demonstrating the buffering role of supervisor home social support on ego depletion. Implications and future directions are discussed.

A large body of research has demonstrated that the experience of romantic jealousy is often associated with a variety of negative outcomes. However, evolutionary psychologists have provided evidence that jealousy is an adaptive emotion that can aid with mate retention. Together these lines of research suggest that jealousy may at times work to protect and enhance one’s relationship, whereas in other cases it could lead to harmful consequences. Considering the varying outcomes of jealousy, it is critical that research explore more specifically how this complex state operates and how it affects individuals’ functioning. In the present research I conducted 2 separate studies in order to examine how jealousy is related to self-control. In Study 1 I used an online survey to examine how individuals’ trait self-control was related to their levels of chronic jealousy. Results showed that trait self-control was negatively associated with cognitive and behavioral jealousy but was not associated with emotional jealousy. Additionally, all 3 components of jealousy explained variance in self-control above and beyond the effects of self-esteem and rejection sensitivity. In Study 2 I used hypothetical scenarios in order to experimentally examine how imagined infidelity would impact individuals’ state self-control. Furthermore, based on research demonstrating sex differences in distress based on different types of infidelity, I examined how imagined sexual and emotional infidelity would differentially impact males’ and females’ state self-control. Using a 3 x 2 between-subjects design, participants from a primarily young adult sample were randomly assigned to 1 of 3 conditions: emotional infidelity, sexual infidelity, and a control. Afterward, state self-control was assessed through a behavioral task. Results showed no differences in state self-control based on condition and no difference between males and females based on type of infidelity. There was a main effect for sex, such that males generally showed higher self-control than females across all 3 conditions. Although the results demonstrate that chronic jealousy and trait self-control are associated constructs, the findings from Study 2 suggest that the experience of jealousy not does impact state self-control. Methodological concerns are addressed and future avenues are presented for researching how jealousy and self-control may be related.

<p>Two studies examined whether stereotypes can be created using different learning paradigms and whether the resulting stereotypes will have different properties that affect their activation, suppression, and explicit knowledge. In the Pilot Study, participants were able to learn to use clothing cues to predict membership using both an explicit paradigm that made declarative statements of group membership and an implicit paradigm based on feedback learning. In Study 1, implicit learners performed worse after a depletion task and better following a control task. Explicit learners did not change based on the depletion task. High trait self-control as measured by the Brief Self-Control Scale was shown to predict better performance in depleted implicit learners and worse performance in depleted explicit learners. In Study 2, participants in both the implicit and explicit learning conditions saw decreases in performance when trying to inhibit a previously learned cue. Trait self-control did not predict the ability to suppress the use of a specific cue. In both studies implicit learners made more accurate estimations of the cue probabilities, suggesting a stronger explicit knowledge of the relationship between the cues and group membership. These results provide initial evidence that the method of stereotype learning can have an impact on later stereotype usage although the mechanisms that lead to these differences require additional research.</p> / Dissertation

Reactive attitudes are distinctively moral emotions that occur when a moral harm has occurred. Recent studies in moral psychology suggest that our reactive attitudes may be influenced by factors extraneous to moral evaluation, such as hunger, sleep deprivation, and negative moods. I argue that these influences lead us to sanction unfairly. Even though reactive attitudes may be a natural response to perceived moral wrongdoing, we cannot justifiably inflict undeserved harm. However, if we can learn to recognize and eliminate the effects of these irrelevant influences, then we can use our reactive attitudes productively in holding others morally accountable.

Currently, the etiology of obesity is conceptualized as a confluence of environmental, socioeconomic, behavioral, biological and genetic factors. With regard to behavioral factors, some have suggested that a failure of self-control may contribute to the difficulty of an overweight/obese individual because of their inability to resist food or maintain physical activity. Recent research proposed that self-control could be described as similar to a muscle that can be fatigued. Thus, if an individual engages in a self-control task they have lessened ability to utilize self-control on a subsequent task. Theory also suggests self-control may be fueled by a finite resource, identified as blood glucose. The role blood glucose plays is important to understand, especially in overweight and obese populations, as they may be more likely to be insulin resistant. In effect overweight and obese individuals are less likely to adequately process glucose. Therefore overweight/obese individuals might react to self-control tasks differently than normal weight individuals. Participants who were considered normal weight, overweight, and obese were recruited from the UNT research pool. They answered questions about their trait self-control in daily life and engaged in either a task that required them to exert self-control (e.g., resist crossing out a letter unless criteria is met) or a control task (e.g., cross out a letter without restriction). All participants then engaged in a subsequent self-control task to assess if engaging in the initial self-control task reduced performance on the subsequent self-control task compared to the control task. The current research findings were not in line with previous research, in that a depletion effect in self-control was not observed; in neither the normal weight individuals nor the overweight and obese groups. There were several limitations that may have contributed to these findings including; higher DSC than observed in the general population and a possible adaptation effect due to the duration of the self-control tasks, which is in keeping with subsequently published research.

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