These (M.A.)--Tufts University, 2007. / Title from PDF title page. Available through UMI ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 71-74). Also issued in print.

Thesis (M.A.)--City University of Hong Kong, 2009. / "A dissertation undertaken in partial fulfillment of the requirements fo the M.A. in Public Policy & Management, City University of Hong Kong." Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Sept. 21, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1967. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 241-254).

Thesis--Faculté de droit de Paris. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (J.C.L.)--Catholic University of America, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 70-75).

142 f. / Submitted by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura (anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2013-05-24T20:06:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MARCOS YOUJI MINAMI.pdf: 693692 bytes, checksum: f846958ec21eeeeb91b7bbdf6ca25baf (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura(anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2013-05-24T20:06:57Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 MARCOS YOUJI MINAMI.pdf: 693692 bytes, checksum: f846958ec21eeeeb91b7bbdf6ca25baf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-24T20:06:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MARCOS YOUJI MINAMI.pdf: 693692 bytes, checksum: f846958ec21eeeeb91b7bbdf6ca25baf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Poder é a capacidade de um ente influenciar outro. Quando se fala em poder de uma pessoa influenciar outra temos o poder social. O poder social mais importante é o poder político, aquele relativo ao comando de um Estado. No Brasil, o poder político é titularizado pelo povo que o exerce por representantes eleitos. Esta pesquisa procurou conceituar o processo eleitoral brasileiro. É ele quem viabiliza o exercício do poder político pelo povo. Trata-se de uma das peças fundamentais de uma democracia. No Brasil, esse processo é conduzido pela Justiça Eleitoral. Várias são as atividades necessárias para a realização de uma eleição. A partir da análise delas, demonstrou-se que, para atingir seu objetivo, a Justiça Eleitoral precisa desempenhar atividades jurisdicionais, legislativas e administrativas. Partindo de uma análise bibliográfica, conceituou-se o fenômeno processo na seara jurídica. Em seguida, esta pesquisa aplicou o conceito de processo ao fenômeno eleitoral brasileiro. Utilizou-se pesquisa qualitativa e o método hipotético-dedutivo. Conclui-se a necessidade de repensar o estudo do processo eleitoral para atingir atividades esquecidas pelos pensadores desse ramo jurídico. / Salvador

Provincial electoral districts were first created in British Columbia in I869. At that time the criteria used to determine the ridings on the mainland were the existing mining division boundaries and on Vancouver Island the land district boundaries. Since 1869 many different sets of constituency boundaries have been used in the province. At all times the government has attempted to give the more settled areas the greatest number of electoral seats and yet provide each region of the province with legislative representation. Since electoral ridings were initiated, however, there has not been a stated policy by which the legislature has determined new constituency boundaries. In certain instances areal size has been the determining factor in deliniation, whereas in other cases electoral numbers were used. In 1965 the ratio of voting numbers between the largest constituency and the smallest was in excess of twenty-five votes to one. It was therefore believed that a major revision of British Columbia's electoral boundaries was due. There are three major methods by which new political boundaries may be determined; these being representation by population, by area, and by community of interest. Each method has certain qualities and liabilities. Representation by population is considered the best method of boundary delineation because the votes of all persons are then of equal weight. Since British Columbia contains such an uneven population distribution many constituencies created by employing this principle would be too large in area to be served effectively by one representative. As well, many urban constituencies would be extremely small. Therefore the thesis concluded that this method of boundary determination was not suitable for British Columbia. Representation by area was not considered to be practical for many ridings would contain only a few hundred voters while others over one hundred thousand. Therefore, representation by community of interest appeared to be the best method of determining legislative constituency boundaries. In this system the under-populated areas of the province would have few electoral representatives. Using this method of deliniation each riding would contain persons affected by similar problems and sharing common interests. Community of Interest regions were determined by isolating all territory which is primarily dependent upon a central settlement. Throughout British Columbia large settlements exist which serve the economic and social needs of the surrounding urban and rural population. The thesis recommended I that such regions would make good provincial constituencies since the rural and urban areas would have equal interest in both local affairs and development. To determine the sphere of influence surrounding each large settlement an examination of services provided by various sized communities was undertaken in order to determine which services were offered only by the larger nucleations. As this method of analysis was not applicable in the Lower Mainland area a study of shopping patterns and community activities was used as a basis for boundary determination. Each of these areas of common interest became the basis for the recommended urban constituencies. As a potential political instrument the value of a new set of electoral boundaries lies in the result which its employment would achieve. Using the 1963 provincial election statistics in the proposed constituencies, the results would have changed the political party representation in the legislature very little. Therefore more equable districts could be adopted without a shift in political party strength. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

The advent of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms signaled a new and vastly expanded role for the judiciary. By entrenching our civil liberties into the Canadian Constitution, the courts were given the express authority to override inconsistent statutes. Due to the inherent overlap between law and politics, election law is an area that is particularly sensitive to this recent enlargement of judicial power. Despite this, the courts have scrutinized many areas of election law and many federal and provincial statutes have been fundamentally altered. The purpose of this thesis is to determine whether the courts have developed a uniform theory of judicial review where election law is concerned via four case studies: electoral boundary redistribution, prisoner voting rights, the publication of opinion polls during campaigns and third party spending limits. Through an extensive review of the relevant case law and literature, I conclude that the courts have failed to develop a coherent and consistent theory judicial review regarding the application of the Charter to election law. My analysis reveals that the inconsistencies stem largely from three main sources: first is the failure of the courts to adopt a single vision of what constitutes a fair electoral system; second is that the case studies are dealing with two different sections of the Charter (ss. 2(b) and 3); and third is the Oakes test which has expanded judicial discretion along with the potential for disparity. If consistency is ever going to be achieved, the courts need to adopt a single vision of democracy in Canada. Until then, we are left to guess when our political rights may be justifiably restricted under the Charter. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This paper expands previous research analyzing the impact voting laws have on voter turnout in national elections in the United States. I analyzed voter turnout in the 2008 Presidential Election and the 2010 off year election in all fifty states to see if voting restrictions declined turnout. My results show evidence that the further away from Election Day voter registration ends, the lower voter turnout a state can expect. I also found laws requiring employers to allow employees time off work to vote on Election Day had lower voter turnout rates than the states allowing employer discretion to determine whether an employee can take time off work to vote. Lastly, my paper shows evidence allowing anyone to vote by mail had a significant increase in the 2008 Presidential Election voter turnout rates compared to states requiring an excuse. However, I did not find any statistical significance in the 2010 off year election.