Ph.D. / This is the study of an unknown man's view of his contemporary Byzantine world how it was structured and functioned both socially and culturally. In other words, this is an attempt to reconstruct the world view of an unknown individual, through expression of his emotions, impressions, principles and norms in connection with various aspects of his environment. By this approach, I trust, the anonymous author's value system can be "re-created" and examined in association with the collective cultural norms, set and shared by his contemporary society. Thus, besides theauthor's aesthetic perception of the external, physical aspects of his environment, collective and individual stereotypes found in ideologies (such as ethnocentrism, provincialism, patriotism, and class differentiation), as well as religious and social moral values (such as piety, faith, sin, generosity, divine intervention) will be identified and analysed. Our author's perception of his world order may be seen "from the inside" through his concepts, opinions, impressions, criticisms and praises. These are expressed either directly or indirectly throughout his narrative, and refer to certain situations, events, characters and the human condition in general (such as the eternal question of life and death). Certain values, which are expressed by the author through his concepts and opinions, may appear as contradicting one another. These cases will be analysed according to the author's perception of a certain event and measured against related collective ideology, i.e. generally-held conceptions and values, as well as factual information. Thus, in order to realise the purpose of our study, we shall: • examine the relationship and interaction between individual and collective concepts in the Chronicle; • establish the Chronicle's value as a source of information g on the political, economic, social and cultural life in Western Greece during a significant section of the later Byzantine era (1375-1422); • try to reach a better understanding of the mentality of multi-ethnic Byzantine society, especially in Western Greece during the 14 th and 15th centuries.

The author discusses the construction of Englishness in Katherine Mansfield’s short story Je Ne Parle Pas Français using previous accounts for Englishness, Otherness and the context of modernism –primarily featuring imperialism. The author concludes that there is an English identity portrayed in Je Ne Parle Pas Français, but that it is to a greater extent associated with imperialism than other identifiable cultural traits.

No description available.

The aim of this thesis is to present for the first time in English the corpus of Turkish scholarly writing on the Great Seljuks and to assess the internal consistency of the individual conclusions. In the West, the Great Seljuks are studied in the context of medieval Persian or Arabic history in particular and Islamic history in general [Lambton, 1987; Morgan, 1994a; Frye, 1993; Kennedy, 1994; Hodgson, 1974; Lewis, 1993]. In Turkey, the perspective that has emerged is quite different. According to Turkish scholars, besides Biblical studies and missionary activity, from the 19th century colonialism and industrialization were the main driving forces behind the study of Islamdom. This was because Western powers had to learn the languages and religion of their subjects in order to administer them and for industrialists to sell their goods to them [Koprilli.i, 1940:xxviii-xxix]. The racially and religiously biased Eurocentric histories that resulted also prejudged the Turks' historical role as solely military and destructive, arguing that they had not made a single contribution that furthered civilization [Ibid. 149-50 & 1981 :23; also Berktay, 1983:14-5]. At the Sevres Peace Talks, a memorandum to the Turkish delegation clearly expressed this prejudice Qune 23, 1919). According to the Allies, the Turks had ravaged and destroyed the lands they had conquered in Christendom and in Islamdom, because it was not in their nature 'to develop in peace what they had won in war' [Berktay, 1992:138-9]. It is not surprising, therefore, that Atatiirk initiated the search for a historical identity outside the confines of Islamic history and the West's assertion concerning the superiority of Graeco-Roman culture [Avctoglu, 1979/1 :18-27; Afetinan, 1981 :194ff]. Having said that, the roots of modern Turkish historiography must be sought in the century before Ataturk founded the Society for the Study of Turkish History (April 15, 1931).

This thesis is a study of the ideology and 'mentality' of the Seljuqs of Rum 473-641/1081-1243. It focuses on this little-known branch of the Seljuqs, whose rule in Anatolia lasted considerably longer than the Great Seljuq state further east. This study uses the few available Rum Seljuq primary sources in Persian and Arabic, as well as contemporary oriental Christian chronicles; it also draws on the evidence of coins and monumental inscriptions, where possible. Chapter one discusses the background of the Great Seljuqs, how they came into the Islamic world, bringing with them their centuries-old nomadic lifestyle and modes of thinking. This Chapter also analyses the way in which these Turkish nomadic chiefs were presented as Muslim rulers by the Arabic and Persian religious scholars and bureaucrats who served them. Chapter two discusses how the earliest Seljuq leaders in Anatolia from 473-500/1081-1107 conformed to traditional patterns of nomadic rule, and the period of interregnum and transition (500-551/1107-1156) during which the Seljuqs in Anatolia were dominated by the rival Turkish Danishmendid principality. Chapter three shows how the Rum Seljuq principality in Anatolia was transformed by the beginning of the thirteenth century into the Rum Seljuq sultanate. In chapter four the discussion focuses on the apogee of the dynasty under the rule of Kay Kawfis I (608-616/1211-1220) and Kay Qubadh I (616-634/1220-1237) where it may be argued that these two Seljuq sultans could justifiably be viewed as model Perso-Islamic rulers, although elements from their Turkish nomadic past remained. The appendix contains an analysis of the crucial relationship between the Rum Seluqs and their Byzantine neighbours during the period (473-576/1081-1180), arguing that a pattern of friendly co-existence was established between the Seljuq sultans and the Comneni emperors during these years. The thesis shows how ideology rather than mere military success helped to shape this important dynasty into a fully-fledged sultanate.

No description available.

No description available.

This thesis explores black West Indian activism in London between 1931-1948. It does so through a focus on those black West Indian activists who involved themselves in the work of four campaigning political organisations, namely, the League of Coloured Peoples (LCP), the International African Friends of Abyssinia (IAF A), the International African Service Bureau (IASB), and the Pan-African Federation (PAF). The thesis argues that the presence of, colonial subjects in 1930s and 1940s London contributed to a process of creoIisation, whereby complex internal and external colonial pressures worked to transform the imperial metropolis. The thesis therefore uses the study of black West Indian activists in Britain in order to trace the geographical networks, 'contact zones,' spaces and places through which this process ofcreolisation took place in 1930s and 1940s London. In order to do so, it focuses primarily on certain distinct modes of political practice in which the LCP, IAF A, IASB and PAF engaged. In particular, chapters focus on how these organisations sought to contest the racialisation of space in London and the wider empire through a range of attempts to open establishments which countered the prevailing colour bar; utilised public gatherings as sociable spaces in which diverse political work could be undertaken; and produced and circulated periodicals that provided a platform on which to debate the contours of the African diaspora and the fundamental features of modern racism and racially-based identities. The thesis also explores the relationship between these different modes of political practice through a study of the response of black West Indian activists in Britain to the Caribbean labour and social unrest of the 1930s. Overall, the thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of how the politics of race and empire were constituted in 1930s and 1940s London .

Thesis advisor: Prasannan Parthasarathi / This dissertation examines the impact of the 1857 Indian rebellion on the British Empire. The uprising began as a mutiny of troops in the north Indian town of Meerut on May 10, 1857, but quickly widened into a massive civil rebellion. For nearly eighteen months much of northern India was up in arms against British power. While scholars have long known that the 1857 rebellion was an imperial crisis, there has been little analysis of its impact outside Britain and India. My work departs from this historiographical tradition to explore the repercussions of 1857 in Jamaica, Ireland, New Zealand, and the Cape Colony in South Africa. The shockwaves of the uprising were felt immediately in each of these colonies. From Ireland to New Zealand, colonial administrators and Britons organized military, financial, and spiritual assistance for British efforts in India. And, much of this support was offered without mediation by London officials. Even after the rebellion had been suppressed, the violence of 1857 continued to have lasting effect. The fears generated by the uprising transformed how the British understood their relationship with the colonized and gave rise to an imperial policy dependent on the greater exercise of force. In the wake of the rebellion, many colonial officials expressed concern that the events in India might be replicated elsewhere. As colonial conflicts erupted in violence throughout the 1860s, many Britons understood the later crises in light of the 1857 Indian rebellion. In response, colonial officials around the Empire used force to maintain British control and hegemony. By studying four colonial sites, this dissertation moves beyond the traditional core-periphery model and points to the dense connections that knit together the British Empire. This study is also unique in its approach. Rather than examine each case study individually, I adopt an integrated method of analysis. This framework allows me to not only provide insight into the broad impact of the Indian rebellion, but also shed light on the functioning of the British Empire in the nineteenth century. London was not always at the center of activity. In response to 1857, Britons throughout the Empire debated methods of counter insurgency, military recruiting, and colonial governance. Colonial officials actively sought to utilize imperial connections, applying the lessons learned in one region to the problems surfacing in another. Methods of rule in the British Empire were developed neither in one location nor by one individual and the flows of information from one colony to another played a crucial role in shaping imperial policy. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2011. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

Using the theoretical work of Hardt and Negri???s Empire and Beck???s Risk Society, I define current experiences of modernity as ???pathological???. The term ???pathological modernity??? is used because it portrays a modernity dominated by ???spirals of crisis??? that are aggravated by the solutions proposed to solve them. Like the ???war on terror??? and environmental degradation, I argue that many crises facing the world today reflect the characteristics of capital as they globalised, branded, hybridised, boundless and endless. ???Pathological modernity??? has various dimensions including a Cartesian logic underscored by an ???eternal truth???, free-market fundamentalism, certainty in decision making, and a scientism which believes all challenges can be overcome. Additional dimensions include an operational form of biopower, pathological reflexivity, and a frontier disposition that continually encloses non-commodified spaces (or commons) creating a crisis of scarcity. Despite its dominance, pathological modernity is being challenged on many fronts. Amongst these is the ???counter-globalisation??? movement (CGM). A heterogenous movement, it represents a qualitatively different form of globalisation and logic that brings it into conflict with pathological modernity. Using participatory research I investigate this movement grounding it within Hardt and Negri???s (2004) ???multitude???. Extending Hardt and Negri???s descriptions, I propose that the multitude ???works in common??? to establish new commons in both the physical and cultural spheres. Concentrating on the ???cultural commons??? I argue that these represent a new form of biopolitics and promote abundance where scarcity once existed. The four cultural commons identified are hope, trust, safety and intellect. Based on the work of Marcel Mauss, I argue that the reciprocal, free and open exchange and sharing of these cultural commons creates ???authentic??? communities based on openness, alterity and abundance. While the CGM works to establish new commons, pathological modernity encloses and commodifies them, turning hope into material aspirations; trust into anxiety; safety into security; and intellect into intellectual property.