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Word order change in Old English : base reanalysis in generative grammar William Michael Canale.Canale, Michael. January 1978 (has links)
No description available.
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The historical development of reciprocal pronouns in middle English with selected early modern English comparisonsSheen, Ding-Taou January 1988 (has links)
In Modern English, EACH OTHER and ONE ANOTHER are morphologically fixed as reciprocal compound pronouns. The reciprocal construction has been developed and used in every period of the English language. The main purpose of this study, nevertheless, was to investigate the ways to express the notion of reciprocity in Middle English and Early Modern English.The morphological analyses of the citations demonstrate that Middle English employed a great variety of head words and phrases than does Modern English in reciprocal structures. EACH, EITHER, EVERY, and ONE most frequently appear as head words of Middle English reciprocal construction, and OTHER usually occurs as a subsequent elements. OTHER, however, may also serve as the head word. Middle English also permits EACH MAN, ILLC MANN, EACH ONE, ILLC ONE, EVERY MAN, EVERY ONE, and THE ONE to function as head phrases. In Early Modem English, Malory employs various structures in his writings, but he prefers EITHER, EITHER OF (US, YOU, THEM) as the head of reciprocal patterns. Shakespeare, nevertheless, more frequently uses ONE as the head word.In Middle English, according to the data, the reciprocal sequence (EACH, EITHER, ONE) / OTHER stands in subject position in twenty examples between c. 1200 - c.1450. Rarely, however, do the pronouns function as a compound subject (subject / complement). The underlying structure of the sentence pattern SOV, nevertheless, is SVO. The need to rhyme, therefore, may cause the change of the word order in the period.(EACH, EITHER, EVERY, ONE, OTHER) may be compounded with the pronoun OTHER in forty examples between c. 1285 - c.1513, but the sequence most frequentlyoccur as direct / indirect object. (EACH, EITHER, EVERY, ONE, OTHER) + OTHER functions as object of preposition in four examples between c.1328 - c.1440.The modem usage of EACH OTHER as a compound object is established in Early Modern English learned, imaginative texts, and the use of ONE ANOTHER as the compound direct object and object of preposition are being established in that period.Since the rules for compounding reciprocal pronouns and for their morpho-syntatic features were not restrictly established before the time of Shakespeare, OTHER could function as an uninflected, separable pronoun in Middle English. In position except modification. the development of OTHER as a nominal occured after Middle English except where the head word is ONE. In Modem English, OTHER must be used as a nominal if the reciprocal pronouns are not compounded. / Department of English
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Infernal imagery in Anglo-Saxon chartersHofmann, Petra January 2008 (has links)
This doctoral dissertation analyses depictions of hell in sanctions, i.e. threats of punishments in Anglo-Saxon charters. I am arguing that an innovative use of sanctions as pastoral and ideological instruments effected the peak of infernal imagery in the sanctions of tenth-century royal diplomas. Belonging to the genre of ritual curses, Anglo-Saxon sanctions contain the three standard ecclesiastical curses (excommunication, anathema and damnation). It cannot be established if other requirements of ritual cursing (authoritative personnel, setting and gestures) were fulfilled. A lack of evidence, together with indications of more secular punishments, suggests that sanctions were not used as legal instruments. Their pastoral function is proposed by frightening depictions of hell and the devil, as fear is an important means of achieving salvation in biblical, homiletic and theological writings available or produced in Anglo-Saxon England. The use of the infernal motifs of Hell as a Kitchen, Satan as the Mouth of Hell and winged demons in sanctions are discussed in detail. Sanctions frequently contain the overtly didactic and pastoral device of the exemplum. Notorious sinners believed to be damned in hell (e.g. Judas) are presented as negative exempla in sanctions to deter people from transgressing against charters. The repeated use of terms from classical mythology for depicting hell in Anglo-Saxon sanctions appears to correlate with the preference for hermeneutic Latin by tenth-century monastic reformers. The reasons for employing classical mythological terminology seem to agree with those suggested for the use of hermeneutic Latin (intellectual snobbery and raising the stylistic register), and glossaries constitute the main source of both types of Latinity. The sanctions of the Refoundation Charter of New Minster, Winchester, which is known to display the ‘ruler theology’ propagated by the monastic reform, are examined in their textual contexts with regard to the observations made in the earlier parts of this dissertation.
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ST. MARY OF EGYPT IN BL MS COTTON OTHO B. X: NEW TEXTUAL EVIDENCE FOR AN OLD ENGLISH SAINT'S LIFECantara, Linda M. 01 January 2001 (has links)
Scholarship of the anonymous Old English prose Life of St. Mary of Egypt ranges from source studies and linguistic analyses to explorations of Anglo-Saxon female sexuality and comparisons to saints' lives translated by the monk Ælfric, but all of these studies have been based on either the text extant in BL MS Cotton Julius E. vii or on W. W. Skeat's edition of the Julius manuscript, Ælfric's Lives of Saints (1881-1900). There is, however, an as yet unedited fragmentary copy of the Old English Mary of Egypt in BL MS Cotton Otho B. x, a manuscript severely damaged by fire in 1731. Digital imaging of damaged manuscripts in concert with ultraviolet fluorescence and other special lighting techniques has been shown to be effective for restoring the legibility of previously inaccessible texts. By means of such digital facsimiles I have transcribed the text of Mary of Egypt in Otho B. x, have collated this text with Skeat's edition, and have discovered that Otho B. x contains textual evidence not found in Julius E. vii. In this thesis, I present my findings and discuss the significance of this new textual evidence for the Old English Life of St. Mary of Egypt.
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