Concern for the state of the natural environment has been growing throughout the world in recent years as it becomes clear that the world is in the midst of an environmental crisis. In B.C., this has led to widespread public controversy over issues such as pollution, logging, and the preservation of wilderness areas. This thesis seeks to bring present conflicts into perspective by examining the historical roots of the various discourses on the environment in B.C. Present environmental controversies take place within a legislative framework, therefore some understanding of the historical development of that legislation and the predominant attitudes that helped shape it is necessary. The first two chapters of this thesis provide this background, focusing on forest policy and parks and wilderness policy. The third chapter addresses the outdoor recreationists, the sport hunters and anglers of B.C., who, although often contributing to the depletion of wildlife populations, also helped shape wildlife policy and worked for the preservation of wildlife habitats. With the foundations for the environmental movement set, the fourth chapter deals with the rise of the environmental movement and environmental interest groups during the 1960's and 70's. This includes a discussion of the counter culture, general social changes of the period, the rise of ecology, and protests in Strathcona Park during the late 1980's. The final chapter considers the reactions of the forest industry to the environmental movement. The forest industry has never had to be so aware of public opinion and so cautious about the image it projects as it is now. The focus is on one major company, MacMillan Bloedel, and the evolution of its public relations policies during the 1960's and 70's. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

Current theories of instrument choice in environmental policy suggest that policy makers choose policy instruments based on the distribution of costs and benefits in society. It is postulated that policy makers will select those policy instruments which confer concentrated benefits on interest groups that will return favours. Others suggest that instrument choice is an outcome of interest groups struggles. However, these approaches do not explain the variation of instrument choices across countries. This thesis is a comparative investigation of instrument choice situations, and actual instrument choices. Combining propositions of public choice theory, blame avoidance theory, and policy style analysis it studies the factors that determine the choice between pollution taxes and tradable pollution rights in three countries (Canada, Germany, and the United States). It is found that institutional structures, particularly the distribution of policy making authority among the various jurisdictions of a state, is the single most important variable. Federal states with centralized authority, e.g. the U.S., have a greater choice among policy instruments, unless other factors, such as ideology, exclude instrument options from the choice set. Federal states in which authority is functionally shared between federal and state governments based on historical precedent, such as Germany, are more likely to adopt pollution taxes. The implementation of tradable pollution rights would require substantial legislative changes at all levels of government. Although eswtablished patterns of interjurisdictional cooperation may facilitate such changes, it would still be a major undertaking that may not be justified by the potential macroeconomic gains associated with emission trading. In federal states with authority overlap-ping between federal government and provinces, such as Canada, the adoption of either pollution taxes or tradable pollution rights is extremely difficult. Unilateral actions could, in the case of pollution taxes, damage a province's competitive position vis-a-vis the other provinces, and thus the adoption is unlikely. Emission trading, however, is subject to the constraints of international agreements by the federal government, and consent by all other jurisdictions on the fixing of an emission cap. Provincial governments guard their jurisdictional authority and are more likely to choose policy instruments that resemble pollution taxes but will not disadvantage the provincial economy. Such taxation schemes will likely be means to raise revenue rather than serving to achieve specific environmental quality objectives. A preliminary survey of instrument choices in other countries suggests that this pattern is not restricted to federal states but possibly is indicative and representative of jurisdictional relationships within states in general. Aside from the distribution of policy making authority among jurisdictions, other factors influencing instrument choice are: agenda setting, ideology and political culture, and the structuring of the decision making process. In none of the case studies did the distribution of costs and benefits among stakeholder groups significantly affect policy instrument choice.

This is a case study undertaken in White Rock, a postindustrial, oceanside town of 16,000 on Canada's southwest border. The participant-observation research was undertaken between 1989 and 1993 when the author was politically active in the community. Noting a challenge to an encrusted city council from a loosely affiliated group who soon became members or supporters of the "White Rock Residents' Association", the participant intervened to explore theories about the instability of post-industria1 society and the emancipatory power of new social movements. Believing that the environmentalist social movement could attract broad public appeal and was conducive to grassroots progressive politics, the participant utilized the power of environmental ideology by publically prioritizing environmental issues while seeking a council seat as a political newcomer in a town where local elections were often uncontested. Although unsuccessful and subject to countervailing gender politics, the author placed seventh on a ballot of 11 for six council positions, outperforming several long-term and influential residents of the community. Chapter One provides a brief, overview of the research project, with further methodological discussion in Appendix A. Chapter Two gives a comparative discussion of environmentalist and localist ideologies, suggesting how they pertain to the White Rock community. Chapter Three offers a profile of the community of White Rock as it undergoes certain changes while facing environmental problems. The final chapter considers changing political and power relations between local and senior governments as they respond to environmental regional problems. During the period of intervention, new political party provincial and federal governments were elected, and in White Rock a member of the White Rock Residents' Association became the city's provincial member of the legislative assembly, while an active Reform Party member became federal member of Parliament. As well, the Boundary Board of Health won a power battle with city council to eliminate swimming at White Rock's polluted west beach, demonstrating the newly won influence of the provincial government. In exploring and comparing environmentalist and localist politics, both the research and literature review indicate that environmentalist ideology and political practice can lead to a reformation of traditional localist politics, resulting in greater influence and prestige for environmental organizations.

The purpose of this thesis is to critically examine elements of public participation in environmental decision-making and to propose that public participation processes may be made more meaningful through the provision of comprehensive and flexible procedural mechanisms coupled with a true ability to affect the outcome of the process, rather than through simply granting more rights. Over the years, natural resources management has grown as a response to ecological concerns over the state and future of our environment. The law too, has developed to accommodate environmental concerns and define legal rights and procedures. Public participation becomes a vehicle for ensuring that affected interests are taken into account in environmental decision-making. In Chapter 1, the established and traditional means of involving the public in environmental decision-making such as litigation and public hearings are examined; however, they have been characterized as too restrictive, not only in terms of the parties who are included, but also the issues. Furthermore, agency administration of complex resource management issues has fuelled public discontent, as many groups understand it is an inherently political process and doubt its legitimacy. In exploring this phenomenon, this paper is first placed in a theoretical context, drawing upon ecological, legal, and ethical philosophies. However, it is also informed by the perspectives of local environmental groups and residents. The turn to other techniques, or Alternative Dispute Resolution, may seem a logical and appropriate evolution, suggesting ways for all affected parties to be involved. Chapter 2 reviews different forms of Alternative Dispute Resolution which provide some principles about the use of mediation and agreements to supplement the regulatory processes of resource management. It is important to consider the mediation process itself, the desire to remedy what is considered to be the failings of the traditional adversarial system, the psychological dynamics of the process, and the parameters for successful negotiations leading to implementation. Chapter 3 commences with an analysis of the legal context of public participation in British Columbia. It determines the discretionary authority of the administrative agencies, and the formal window of opportunity for public input, under the (federal) Canadian Environmental Assessment Act and the (provincial) British Columbia Environmental Assessment Act. This chapter also discusses an additional and interesting vehicle for public participation, although not yet implemented in British Columbia - the Environmental Bill of Rights. Chapter 4 provides a more concrete setting for the use of public participation processes, through the use of a case study - the British Columbia Transit Sky Train Extension Project. The "NIMBY", or "Not In My Backyard" scenario involved has the potential to facilitate negotiation; however, real inroads will be made through improving existing legal avenues of participation such as consultation. In fact, this key concern has been the sore point with respect to the Sky Train Project for many residents of Vancouver. In conclusion, the utility of public participation processes expressed in environmental legislation is reliant not only upon the ability of the law to be flexible enough to serve the various natural resource interests of all stakeholders, but also to be conducted in a manner that is inclusory and substantive.

This is a case study undertaken in White Rock, a postindustrial, oceanside town of 16,000 on Canada's southwest border. The participant-observation research was undertaken between 1989 and 1993 when the author was politically active in the community. Noting a challenge to an encrusted city council from a loosely affiliated group who soon became members or supporters of the "White Rock Residents' Association", the participant intervened to explore theories about the instability of post-industria1 society and the emancipatory power of new social movements. Believing that the environmentalist social movement could attract broad public appeal and was conducive to grassroots progressive politics, the participant utilized the power of environmental ideology by publically prioritizing environmental issues while seeking a council seat as a political newcomer in a town where local elections were often uncontested. Although unsuccessful and subject to countervailing gender politics, the author placed seventh on a ballot of 11 for six council positions, outperforming several long-term and influential residents of the community. Chapter One provides a brief, overview of the research project, with further methodological discussion in Appendix A. Chapter Two gives a comparative discussion of environmentalist and localist ideologies, suggesting how they pertain to the White Rock community. Chapter Three offers a profile of the community of White Rock as it undergoes certain changes while facing environmental problems. The final chapter considers changing political and power relations between local and senior governments as they respond to environmental regional problems. During the period of intervention, new political party provincial and federal governments were elected, and in White Rock a member of the White Rock Residents' Association became the city's provincial member of the legislative assembly, while an active Reform Party member became federal member of Parliament. As well, the Boundary Board of Health won a power battle with city council to eliminate swimming at White Rock's polluted west beach, demonstrating the newly won influence of the provincial government. In exploring and comparing environmentalist and localist politics, both the research and literature review indicate that environmentalist ideology and political practice can lead to a reformation of traditional localist politics, resulting in greater influence and prestige for environmental organizations. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

Current theories of instrument choice in environmental policy suggest that policy makers choose policy instruments based on the distribution of costs and benefits in society. It is postulated that policy makers will select those policy instruments which confer concentrated benefits on interest groups that will return favours. Others suggest that instrument choice is an outcome of interest groups struggles. However, these approaches do not explain the variation of instrument choices across countries. This thesis is a comparative investigation of instrument choice situations, and actual instrument choices. Combining propositions of public choice theory, blame avoidance theory, and policy style analysis it studies the factors that determine the choice between pollution taxes and tradable pollution rights in three countries (Canada, Germany, and the United States). It is found that institutional structures, particularly the distribution of policy making authority among the various jurisdictions of a state, is the single most important variable. Federal states with centralized authority, e.g. the U.S., have a greater choice among policy instruments, unless other factors, such as ideology, exclude instrument options from the choice set. Federal states in which authority is functionally shared between federal and state governments based on historical precedent, such as Germany, are more likely to adopt pollution taxes. The implementation of tradable pollution rights would require substantial legislative changes at all levels of government. Although eswtablished patterns of interjurisdictional cooperation may facilitate such changes, it would still be a major undertaking that may not be justified by the potential macroeconomic gains associated with emission trading. In federal states with authority overlap-ping between federal government and provinces, such as Canada, the adoption of either pollution taxes or tradable pollution rights is extremely difficult. Unilateral actions could, in the case of pollution taxes, damage a province's competitive position vis-a-vis the other provinces, and thus the adoption is unlikely. Emission trading, however, is subject to the constraints of international agreements by the federal government, and consent by all other jurisdictions on the fixing of an emission cap. Provincial governments guard their jurisdictional authority and are more likely to choose policy instruments that resemble pollution taxes but will not disadvantage the provincial economy. Such taxation schemes will likely be means to raise revenue rather than serving to achieve specific environmental quality objectives. A preliminary survey of instrument choices in other countries suggests that this pattern is not restricted to federal states but possibly is indicative and representative of jurisdictional relationships within states in general. Aside from the distribution of policy making authority among jurisdictions, other factors influencing instrument choice are: agenda setting, ideology and political culture, and the structuring of the decision making process. In none of the case studies did the distribution of costs and benefits among stakeholder groups significantly affect policy instrument choice. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This study focuses on the institutional problems involved in planning for large-scale energy and resource projects in B.C. Fundamental to planning for these projects is the resolution of the tension between economic growth and environmental quality. Concern is expressed that, to date, planning has stressed economic values at the expense of environmental values held in society. A more equitable planning structure is needed whereby interested groups in society may present informed views to the planners and decision-makers to help them achieve solutions that more nearly represent the public interest. To reach a solution that reflects the public interest an advocacy approach to planning is suggested in Chapter Two. This approach stresses interest group participation in the "planning process" to conduct planning that meets public expectations. In order that environmental interests are incorporated into the planning and decision-making for major power and resource projects, an environmental review agency is proposed. This agency would have the power to conduct is own investigations into issues that might affect the environment and advocate its findings in the debate over the proposed Projects. To test the suitability in British Columbia of the advocacy approach a number of criteria are developed, The criteria reflect some basic democratic values held in our society and the problems associated with institutional design. The criteria include public participation and representation, information generation, efficiency, equality, professional humility, natural justice, liberty and political leadership. The characteristics of B.C.'s political milieu are examined in Chapter Three to see what problems the implementation of the advocacy approach for environmental and resource planning might face in the province. Three characteristics of the political milieu are seen as possible constraints on the effective implementation of a review agency - materialist values held in the province, lack of strong interest groups and the dependence on resource extraction for economic prosperity. A case study of the planning and decision-making for the Bennett Dam on the Peace River, presented in Chapter Four, outlines the inadequacy of the planning process. Even though there have been some changes in planning procedures since the initial planning for the Peace project, two principal deficiencies remain - there is virtually no scope for public involvement in the planning process and the information produced is too highly technical to make for effective public participation. As a consequence major energy and resource planning will likely produce results that favour energy and development interests. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

The purpose of this thesis is to critically examine elements of public participation in environmental decision-making and to propose that public participation processes may be made more meaningful through the provision of comprehensive and flexible procedural mechanisms coupled with a true ability to affect the outcome of the process, rather than through simply granting more rights. Over the years, natural resources management has grown as a response to ecological concerns over the state and future of our environment. The law too, has developed to accommodate environmental concerns and define legal rights and procedures. Public participation becomes a vehicle for ensuring that affected interests are taken into account in environmental decision-making. In Chapter 1, the established and traditional means of involving the public in environmental decision-making such as litigation and public hearings are examined; however, they have been characterized as too restrictive, not only in terms of the parties who are included, but also the issues. Furthermore, agency administration of complex resource management issues has fuelled public discontent, as many groups understand it is an inherently political process and doubt its legitimacy. In exploring this phenomenon, this paper is first placed in a theoretical context, drawing upon ecological, legal, and ethical philosophies. However, it is also informed by the perspectives of local environmental groups and residents. The turn to other techniques, or Alternative Dispute Resolution, may seem a logical and appropriate evolution, suggesting ways for all affected parties to be involved. Chapter 2 reviews different forms of Alternative Dispute Resolution which provide some principles about the use of mediation and agreements to supplement the regulatory processes of resource management. It is important to consider the mediation process itself, the desire to remedy what is considered to be the failings of the traditional adversarial system, the psychological dynamics of the process, and the parameters for successful negotiations leading to implementation. Chapter 3 commences with an analysis of the legal context of public participation in British Columbia. It determines the discretionary authority of the administrative agencies, and the formal window of opportunity for public input, under the (federal) Canadian Environmental Assessment Act and the (provincial) British Columbia Environmental Assessment Act. This chapter also discusses an additional and interesting vehicle for public participation, although not yet implemented in British Columbia - the Environmental Bill of Rights. Chapter 4 provides a more concrete setting for the use of public participation processes, through the use of a case study - the British Columbia Transit Sky Train Extension Project. The "NIMBY", or "Not In My Backyard" scenario involved has the potential to facilitate negotiation; however, real inroads will be made through improving existing legal avenues of participation such as consultation. In fact, this key concern has been the sore point with respect to the Sky Train Project for many residents of Vancouver. In conclusion, the utility of public participation processes expressed in environmental legislation is reliant not only upon the ability of the law to be flexible enough to serve the various natural resource interests of all stakeholders, but also to be conducted in a manner that is inclusory and substantive. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

This thesis explores the role played by the state at the provincial level in the planning of hydro-electric power development in British Columbia. The electric power industry has been a primary focus for government intervention in the economic affairs of most western industrialized countries. Not only has the structure and scope of the state's regulatory activity in the industry been more extensive than most others, but governments have often gone beyond such regulatory supervision to assume a more direct role in the production of the commodity itself. In British Columbia, however, the direct entrepreneurial role played by successive provincial governments led to major planning failures. Serious social and environmental costs were ignored in development decisions, economically dubious projects were constructed, and the electric power system as a whole was seriously overbuilt. This thesis argues that the problems associated with state-directed hydro-electric power development were institutional rather than technical in nature. Two types of institutional factors are shown to have played a key role. First, the scope of power planning has been limited by the role played by the provincial state in the broader political economy of British Columbia. This role has been basically non-interventionist in nature, with the exceptional interventions in economic affairs being associated with the removal of barriers to the private exploitation of the natural resource base. This broad economic role has conflicted with the state's central position as arbiter among opposing societal interests and has biased subsequent government planning activities toward facilitating the supply of electric power rather than evaluating the demand for it. Second, rigidities within the institutions employed by the state to undertake power planning activities inhibited the adaptation of these activities to a changing economic environment. Organized structures were created to implement particular power policy initiatives, and these organizations developed their own set of interests and priorities. Hence, a bias against the re-evaluation of previous policy and planning approaches was created, even in the face of clear evidence of their failings. In Chapter 2, the conceptual and theoretical groundwork for the study is laid with an examination of four alternative approaches to the economic role of the state in western capitalist societies. The key questions explored are the rationale for state intervention, the choice of policy instruments employed, and the effectiveness of these instruments in undertaking goal oriented planning. In Chapter 3, the stage for the analysis of power policy is set with an overview of the economic context of electric power production in British Columbia. This chapter establishes the staple-based nature of the B.C. economy and analyses the changing role played by electric power in this economy. Chapters 4 through 8 detail the historical evolution of power planning and policy in British Columbia. Chapter 4 documents the predominantly laissez-faire approach to power policy during the pre-World War II period and the gradual emergence of demands for a more active regulatory role by government. Chapter 5 documents both the implementation of electric power regulation during the 1950s and the emerging policy preoccupation with underwriting the development of British Columbia's large-scale hydro resources. The chapter focuses on the links between this overall role, the creation of a dominant Crown corporation in the power industry, the decision to undertake an economically dubious sequence of hydro development, and the lack of attention given to environmental issues. In Chapter 6, the focus is on the use of the Crown hydro corporation as an economic policy instrument during the 1960s. The preoccupation with initiating large-scale hydro developments shifted to a concern with producing power at the lowest possible direct cost to the consumer. Chapters 7 and 8 focus on the shift from power policy to power planning. From the late 1960s through the 1970s, policy making at the provincial level was largely replaced by an institutionalized, formally rational decision making process dominated by technical experts. This shift, by creating a powerful set of established interests within the provincial power utility, gave added momentum to the expansionary power policies of the 1950s and '60s during a period when their underlying justification was being increasingly questioned. Finally, Chapter 8 concludes by examining the re-assertion of regulatory control by the provincial state over the now publicly-owned power industry. The conclusion summarizes and interprets the evidence presented in Chapters 4 through 8 in light of the theoretical concepts introduced in Chapter 2. The central problem of state involvement in the electric power industry is shown to be the representativeness and adaptability of policy and planning institutions. A number of recommendations are made to overcome the deficiencies identified in the study. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

The Green Plan, Canada's six year environmental agenda, has now guided Canadian environmental policy for over a year and a half. In that time span, a large number of environmental initiatives have been announced under the Green Plan, and an even larger number are still promised. However, not every initiative contributes equally to preventing or abating pollution. The extent to which an initiative contributes directly to an improvement in environmental quality depends on the level of coercion of the policy instrument it employs. Initiatives which involve relatively coercive policy instruments, in particular regulatory action, are more likely to achieve their goal in the immediate future than initiatives which rely largely on persuasion such as guidelines and public education. The classification of the policy instruments in the Green Plan reveals a strong preference on the part of the federal government for non-coercive over coercive instruments. Only 13 per cent of the Green Plan initiatives involve regulatory action. The majority involve increasing capacity which means that the initiatives centre around research, studies, monitoring and plan development. The Fraser River Action Plan, a Green Plan initiative announced in June 1991, reflects the same federal preference for capacity increasing instruments as the larger Green Plan. Several variables help to explain this preference: constitutional constraints, pressure from other levels of government, opposition from industry, and environmental interest group pressure. Both the events leading up to the Green Plan and the implementation of the Fraser River Action Plan, suggest that the strongest motivating factor for the choice of policy instruments is the concern to avoid blame from the interests affected by a particular initiative. In practice, this means that the federal government is reluctant to make use of its regulatory authority to impose clean-up costs on the polluting industry. It also avoids to interfere with provincial jurisdiction over natural resources. In order to avoid blame from environmental groups and the public, who demand tighter pollution controls, the government relies on symbolic actions. Symbolic actions enable the government to show its concern but postpone pollution abatement to a later date. Federal reluctance to make use of its full constitutional authority in the area of environmental policy making combined with the large budget cuts the Green Plan has seen during its relatively short period of existence, belies the federal commitment to protecting the environment.