International trade ties the world together and is hypothetically fair and equal. In reality, it is highly asymmetrical and poses a significant challenge for developing countries. A massive sea change occurred in the international trade regime during the Uruguay Round of negotiations of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) from 1986 to 1994. Developing countries as a whole began to embrace liberal trade policies which seemed to be the only alternative to failing import substitution industrialization (ISI). An historical comparative account describing and explaining this transformation of developing countries’ attitudes toward the GATT is used in this dissertation to provide an alternative explanation for the transition of developing countries from having little interest in the Uruguay Round of GATT negotiations to sharply changing course and adopting neo-liberal policies which supported the conclusion of the Round. Three theoretical approaches seek to explain why this change occurred, including: liberal trade theory (economic reforms), dependency theory (external forces) and constructivism (the role epistemic communities). The Uruguay Round negotiations were dynamic and heavily influenced by two power-house developing economies, India and Brazil, who were initially opposed to the Round itself. Kenya found itself in a starkly different situation with minimal ability to participate or influence negotiations. These three countries constitute the study’s illustrative case studies. As negotiations progressed, India and Brazil changed course and agreed to the Round’s ‘single-undertaking’ and the ‘inequitable Grand Bargain’ between the developed and developing economies. This subsequently led to other developing countries following suit through a powerful demonstration effect in a trade-off between the inclusion of trade in services and intellectual property for reforms in agriculture and textiles & clothing. While economic reforms began to occur and attitudes began to change during the Uruguay Round itself, assessing developing countries during the Round found that no single theoretical approach can explain developing countries’ transformation; rather each had their own trajectory for their economic reforms. A multi-dimensional conclusion provides the most comprehensive account of this transformation of the global trade regime.

This paper is organized as follows. The introduction determines what Foreign Economic Policy is. Then, it builds a theoretical framework about Foreign Economic Policy formulation in developing countries, with a focus in Lain America. This discusses three different approaches: system-centered, society-centered and state-centered. Then, it explores literature about epistemic communities in Latin America in order to determine to what extent this has focus on Foreign Economic Policy formulation. Finally, it explores the importance of studying the role of epistemic communities in public agencies in charge of foreign economic relations in the region. / Este escrito está organizado de la siguiente manera. En la introducción se discutirá en quéconsiste la política económica exterior (en adelante PEE). Luego, en primer lugar, se construye un marco teórico en torno de la formación de la PEE en los países en vías de desarrollo y, en particular, en América Latina. Ello a través de tres enfoques diferentes: centrado en el sistema, en la sociedad y en el Estado. En segundo lugar, se busca mostrar de qué manera este marco teórico podría informarse del constructivismo. Asimismo, se aborda la literatura sobre las comunidades de conocimiento latinoamericanas para determinar hasta qué punto ha sido tratada la formación de PEE. Finalmente, se arriba a una conclusión sobre la necesidad de explicar el papel de las comunidades de conocimiento en los organismos o agencias públicas encargadas de las relacioneseconómicas exteriores latinoamericanas.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo geral da pesquisa é compreender por qual motivo e de que forma Brasil e Argentina optaram pela cooperação na área nuclear ainda durante seus governos militares. Segundo a literatura tradicional da área de Relações Internacionais, os ganhos relativos deveriam estar em evidência e, por conseguinte, impediriam a coordenação de posições em uma área tão importante para as estratégias de desenvolvimento e de inserção internacional dos dois países o que não se verificou na prática. Minha dissertação tem como meta entender o porquê. Da finalidade principal, decorrem objetivos específicos. São eles: lançar uma nova percepção acerca das relações Brasil-Argentina, ainda hoje encaradas primordialmente de acordo com padrões de inimizade e de desconfiança; compreender até que ponto as motivações dos países para o domínio da tecnologia nuclear estão relacionados a questões de segurança ou de desenvolvimento nacional; compreender quais foram as bases materiais e ideacionais que permitiram aos dois países integrar-se e, portanto, compartilhar soberania em um tema de high politics; demonstrar que a cooperação não é exclusividade de regimes democráticos; analisar a influência de grupos não políticos na formulação de políticas e do processo decisório; comprovar que não houve corrida armamentista na região ou a intenção de utilizar o aparato nuclear contra o vizinho. O recorte temporal deste trabalho partirá do final dos anos 1964, quando houve coincidência de regimes militares nos dois países, até o ano de 1985, quando a democracia é restaurada no Brasil. O marco temporal não é hermético, já que há referências anteriores a 1964, mormente no tocante à cooperação científica, e após 1985, quando a coordenação nuclear brasileiro-argentina é elevada a um nível superior, com o estabelecimento da ABACC. Na tentativa de responder às perguntas propostas, minha dissertação se baseia na análise de dois atores primordiais: o Estado e as comunidades epistêmicas. / The overall goal of my research is to understand based on which reasons and by which means Brazil and Argentina have opted for cooperation in the nuclear field during the military rule in both countries. According to the traditional literature of International Relations field, relative gains should be in evidence and, therefore, keep the countries from coordinating its positions in such an important scope for each country strategies of development and international projection - which did not occur in practice. My dissertation aims to understand the reasons why two once rivals became cooperative. From the main purpose derive specific goals, as follows: to launch a new perception of the Brazil - Argentina relations, still seen primarily according to patterns of enmity and mistrust; understand to what extent the motivations of countries in nuclear technology are related to security issues or national development; understand which were the material and ideational foundations that enabled the two countries to integrate and therefore share sovereignty in a matter of high politics; demonstrate that cooperation is not exclusive to democratic regimes; analyze the influence of non-political groups in policy formulation and decision making; prove that there was no arms race in the region or intention to use the nuclear device against one another. The time frame of this study departs from late 1964, when the military regime begins in Brazil, to the year 1985, when democracy is restored in the Southern Cone. The timeframe is not airtight, since there are earlier references to 1964, mainly involving the scientific cooperation, and after 1985, when the Brazilian-Argentine nuclear coordination is elevated to a higher level, with the establishment of ABACC. In an attempt to answer the questions posed, my dissertation is based on the analysis of two main actors: the state and epistemic communities.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo geral da pesquisa é compreender por qual motivo e de que forma Brasil e Argentina optaram pela cooperação na área nuclear ainda durante seus governos militares. Segundo a literatura tradicional da área de Relações Internacionais, os ganhos relativos deveriam estar em evidência e, por conseguinte, impediriam a coordenação de posições em uma área tão importante para as estratégias de desenvolvimento e de inserção internacional dos dois países o que não se verificou na prática. Minha dissertação tem como meta entender o porquê. Da finalidade principal, decorrem objetivos específicos. São eles: lançar uma nova percepção acerca das relações Brasil-Argentina, ainda hoje encaradas primordialmente de acordo com padrões de inimizade e de desconfiança; compreender até que ponto as motivações dos países para o domínio da tecnologia nuclear estão relacionados a questões de segurança ou de desenvolvimento nacional; compreender quais foram as bases materiais e ideacionais que permitiram aos dois países integrar-se e, portanto, compartilhar soberania em um tema de high politics; demonstrar que a cooperação não é exclusividade de regimes democráticos; analisar a influência de grupos não políticos na formulação de políticas e do processo decisório; comprovar que não houve corrida armamentista na região ou a intenção de utilizar o aparato nuclear contra o vizinho. O recorte temporal deste trabalho partirá do final dos anos 1964, quando houve coincidência de regimes militares nos dois países, até o ano de 1985, quando a democracia é restaurada no Brasil. O marco temporal não é hermético, já que há referências anteriores a 1964, mormente no tocante à cooperação científica, e após 1985, quando a coordenação nuclear brasileiro-argentina é elevada a um nível superior, com o estabelecimento da ABACC. Na tentativa de responder às perguntas propostas, minha dissertação se baseia na análise de dois atores primordiais: o Estado e as comunidades epistêmicas. / The overall goal of my research is to understand based on which reasons and by which means Brazil and Argentina have opted for cooperation in the nuclear field during the military rule in both countries. According to the traditional literature of International Relations field, relative gains should be in evidence and, therefore, keep the countries from coordinating its positions in such an important scope for each country strategies of development and international projection - which did not occur in practice. My dissertation aims to understand the reasons why two once rivals became cooperative. From the main purpose derive specific goals, as follows: to launch a new perception of the Brazil - Argentina relations, still seen primarily according to patterns of enmity and mistrust; understand to what extent the motivations of countries in nuclear technology are related to security issues or national development; understand which were the material and ideational foundations that enabled the two countries to integrate and therefore share sovereignty in a matter of high politics; demonstrate that cooperation is not exclusive to democratic regimes; analyze the influence of non-political groups in policy formulation and decision making; prove that there was no arms race in the region or intention to use the nuclear device against one another. The time frame of this study departs from late 1964, when the military regime begins in Brazil, to the year 1985, when democracy is restored in the Southern Cone. The timeframe is not airtight, since there are earlier references to 1964, mainly involving the scientific cooperation, and after 1985, when the Brazilian-Argentine nuclear coordination is elevated to a higher level, with the establishment of ABACC. In an attempt to answer the questions posed, my dissertation is based on the analysis of two main actors: the state and epistemic communities.

Cette thèse porte sur l’introduction des politiques de transfert de revenu au Brésil. L’objectif central de la recherche est de comprendre comment ces politiques se sont imposées dans le cadre des réformes de la protection sociale brésilienne pendant les années 1990, notamment à partir de 1995 et comment elles ont engendré un changement paradigmatique de troisième ordre de la politique nationale d’assistance sociale. Nous posons deux hypothèses de recherche : la première est que l’introduction de telles politiques au Brésil fut le résultat du rôle historique des intellectuels engagés dans la défense du revenu minimum en tant qu’alternative au modèle de protection sociale brésilien. Cette défense du revenu minimum fut soutenue par des intellectuels, des communautés épistémiques et par des politiciens qui ont inscrit le débat sur le revenu minimum à l’agenda politique brésilien. La deuxième hypothèse suggère que la convergence d’idées, d’institutions et d’intérêts a favorisé l’adoption de ces politiques. Cette convergence d’idées, d’institutions et d’intérêts repose sur le rôle de plusieurs acteurs tels les intellectuels, le président Cardoso et d’autres politiciens qui se sont mis à la défense du social au Brésil depuis 1999, des institutions parlementaires brésiliennes et des organisations internationales, notamment le FMI, la Banque mondiale et la Banque interaméricaine de développement – BID. Nous proposons l’approche des trois i pour rendre compte de ce changement. L’apprentissage social, les processus de diffusion et de lesson-drawing sont les facteurs à l’origine de la formation de la convergence autour des programmes de transfert de revenu. Nous montrerons que l’expérience brésilienne de programmes de transfert de revenu a non seulement engendré un processus d’apprentissage social renversé auprès de la Banque Mondiale mais qu'elle a aussi eu un effet aussi sur les actions de la BID. Nous suggérons que le changement paradigmatique de la protection sociale brésilienne a été amorcé par le gouvernement Cardoso dans un processus d’essais et d’erreurs. Ce processus, qui est à l’origine des réaménagements du programme « Comunidade Solidária », a permis la création du « Projeto Alvorada » et du « Réseau de protection sociale » en 2001. Les programmes de transfert de revenu reliés à l’éducation et aux soins de santé ont été les plus influents dans la construction du consensus qui s’est établi autour des programmes de transfert de revenu comme alternative à l’ancien modèle de protection sociale puisqu’ils procurent le renforcement du capital social en même temps qu’ils fonctionnent comme facteur structurant de la protection sociale. Ce legs du gouvernement Cardoso a permis au gouvernement de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva de consolider le nouveau paradigme avec la création du programme national Bolsa-Família. Le gouvernement Lula a donc bénéficié de l’héritage historique des deux mandats de Cardoso et, ironiquement, a récolté les fruits de l’apprentissage social. Le phénomène du « lulismo » en est la preuve. Par ailleurs, cette thèse met en question la paternité du programme Bolsa-Família puisqu’elle montre la création de ce programme d'abord comme la consolidation du processus d’apprentissage et puis comme conséquence de la création d’un nouveau paradigme pour la politique d’assistance sociale au Brésil qui a eu lieu pendant les deux mandats de Cardoso. / This thesis focuses on the introduction of conditional cash transfer policies in Brazil. The main objective of the research is to understand how these policies have emerged in a context of rethinking social security in Brazil during the 90s, more precisely from 95 and how these changes have caused a third order paradigmatic change in the elaboration of national social security policies. According to the first of two hypotheses presented in this research, the introduction of conditional cash transfer policies in Brazil is the achievement of intellectuals striving to present such policies as a viable alternative to the traditional Brazilian social protection network. Conditional cash transfer policies have been supported by intellectual, epistemic communities and by politicians that brought the debate on minimal revenue on the Brazilian political agenda. On the other hand, the second hypotheses suggests that the adoption of cash transfer policies was made possible by the convergence of ideas, institutions and interests in place. This convergence of ideas, institutions and interests rests upon the many actors in this debate such intellectuals, President Cardoso and other politicians who have been defending the social agenda in Brazil since 1999; Brazilian parliamentary institutions and international organizations such as the IMF, the World Bank and the Inter-american Development Bank – BID. In order to make sense of these changes in Brazil, the iii approach (idea-interest-institution) was used. Social learning, dissemination, lesson-learning and lesson-drawing processes are all factors explaining the convergence of opinions around the idea of conditional cash transfer programmes. It shall be proven that the Brazilian experiment with cash transfer programmes not only became a reversed teaching process with the World Bank, but also had effects on decisions made by the BID. This thesis also suggests that the paradigmatic change in Brazilian social security was initiated by the Cardoso governement as part of an error and trial change process. This process, which would have as a direct consequence the reinvention of “Comunidade Solidária”, also permitted the creation of “Projeto Alvorada” and of the “Rede de proteção social” in 2001. The health and education programmes were the most instrumental in building consensus in support of cash transfer programmes as an alternative to the traditional model of social security, because these programmes reinforce social capital while acting as structuring factors for social security. President Cardoso’s heritage allowed Luis Inàcio da Silva to consolidate the new paradigm in social security with the creation of the national programme Bolsa-Família. The Lula administration directly benefited from the previous government’s two mandates and, ironically, reaped the fruit of his predecessor’s labour. The social phenomena called “lulismo” stands as proof of this. Moreover, this thesis challenges the theory according to which Bolsa-Família is an invention of Luis Inàcio da Silva in showing how this programme was initially created as the result of social learning in Brazil between 1995 et 2002.

Cette thèse porte sur l’introduction des politiques de transfert de revenu au Brésil. L’objectif central de la recherche est de comprendre comment ces politiques se sont imposées dans le cadre des réformes de la protection sociale brésilienne pendant les années 1990, notamment à partir de 1995 et comment elles ont engendré un changement paradigmatique de troisième ordre de la politique nationale d’assistance sociale. Nous posons deux hypothèses de recherche : la première est que l’introduction de telles politiques au Brésil fut le résultat du rôle historique des intellectuels engagés dans la défense du revenu minimum en tant qu’alternative au modèle de protection sociale brésilien. Cette défense du revenu minimum fut soutenue par des intellectuels, des communautés épistémiques et par des politiciens qui ont inscrit le débat sur le revenu minimum à l’agenda politique brésilien. La deuxième hypothèse suggère que la convergence d’idées, d’institutions et d’intérêts a favorisé l’adoption de ces politiques. Cette convergence d’idées, d’institutions et d’intérêts repose sur le rôle de plusieurs acteurs tels les intellectuels, le président Cardoso et d’autres politiciens qui se sont mis à la défense du social au Brésil depuis 1999, des institutions parlementaires brésiliennes et des organisations internationales, notamment le FMI, la Banque mondiale et la Banque interaméricaine de développement – BID. Nous proposons l’approche des trois i pour rendre compte de ce changement. L’apprentissage social, les processus de diffusion et de lesson-drawing sont les facteurs à l’origine de la formation de la convergence autour des programmes de transfert de revenu. Nous montrerons que l’expérience brésilienne de programmes de transfert de revenu a non seulement engendré un processus d’apprentissage social renversé auprès de la Banque Mondiale mais qu'elle a aussi eu un effet aussi sur les actions de la BID. Nous suggérons que le changement paradigmatique de la protection sociale brésilienne a été amorcé par le gouvernement Cardoso dans un processus d’essais et d’erreurs. Ce processus, qui est à l’origine des réaménagements du programme « Comunidade Solidária », a permis la création du « Projeto Alvorada » et du « Réseau de protection sociale » en 2001. Les programmes de transfert de revenu reliés à l’éducation et aux soins de santé ont été les plus influents dans la construction du consensus qui s’est établi autour des programmes de transfert de revenu comme alternative à l’ancien modèle de protection sociale puisqu’ils procurent le renforcement du capital social en même temps qu’ils fonctionnent comme facteur structurant de la protection sociale. Ce legs du gouvernement Cardoso a permis au gouvernement de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva de consolider le nouveau paradigme avec la création du programme national Bolsa-Família. Le gouvernement Lula a donc bénéficié de l’héritage historique des deux mandats de Cardoso et, ironiquement, a récolté les fruits de l’apprentissage social. Le phénomène du « lulismo » en est la preuve. Par ailleurs, cette thèse met en question la paternité du programme Bolsa-Família puisqu’elle montre la création de ce programme d'abord comme la consolidation du processus d’apprentissage et puis comme conséquence de la création d’un nouveau paradigme pour la politique d’assistance sociale au Brésil qui a eu lieu pendant les deux mandats de Cardoso. / This thesis focuses on the introduction of conditional cash transfer policies in Brazil. The main objective of the research is to understand how these policies have emerged in a context of rethinking social security in Brazil during the 90s, more precisely from 95 and how these changes have caused a third order paradigmatic change in the elaboration of national social security policies. According to the first of two hypotheses presented in this research, the introduction of conditional cash transfer policies in Brazil is the achievement of intellectuals striving to present such policies as a viable alternative to the traditional Brazilian social protection network. Conditional cash transfer policies have been supported by intellectual, epistemic communities and by politicians that brought the debate on minimal revenue on the Brazilian political agenda. On the other hand, the second hypotheses suggests that the adoption of cash transfer policies was made possible by the convergence of ideas, institutions and interests in place. This convergence of ideas, institutions and interests rests upon the many actors in this debate such intellectuals, President Cardoso and other politicians who have been defending the social agenda in Brazil since 1999; Brazilian parliamentary institutions and international organizations such as the IMF, the World Bank and the Inter-american Development Bank – BID. In order to make sense of these changes in Brazil, the iii approach (idea-interest-institution) was used. Social learning, dissemination, lesson-learning and lesson-drawing processes are all factors explaining the convergence of opinions around the idea of conditional cash transfer programmes. It shall be proven that the Brazilian experiment with cash transfer programmes not only became a reversed teaching process with the World Bank, but also had effects on decisions made by the BID. This thesis also suggests that the paradigmatic change in Brazilian social security was initiated by the Cardoso governement as part of an error and trial change process. This process, which would have as a direct consequence the reinvention of “Comunidade Solidária”, also permitted the creation of “Projeto Alvorada” and of the “Rede de proteção social” in 2001. The health and education programmes were the most instrumental in building consensus in support of cash transfer programmes as an alternative to the traditional model of social security, because these programmes reinforce social capital while acting as structuring factors for social security. President Cardoso’s heritage allowed Luis Inàcio da Silva to consolidate the new paradigm in social security with the creation of the national programme Bolsa-Família. The Lula administration directly benefited from the previous government’s two mandates and, ironically, reaped the fruit of his predecessor’s labour. The social phenomena called “lulismo” stands as proof of this. Moreover, this thesis challenges the theory according to which Bolsa-Família is an invention of Luis Inàcio da Silva in showing how this programme was initially created as the result of social learning in Brazil between 1995 et 2002.

Advisory Bodies and Expertise in the Czech Politics - Epistemic Communities and the Influence on the Reforms of Higher Education and Pension System Master thesis Bc. Kateřina Merklová The Master thesis Advisory Bodies and Expertise in the Czech Politics - Epistemic Communities and the Influence on the Reforms of Higher Education and Pension System concerns with the relation between politics and expertise. So-called epistemic community represents the knowledge interpreter that we consider an independent actor in the political process. In the theoretical part of the text, we have explained the original definition of the concept as well as its critics and case studies that cover various contexts. Following most of the authors, we have applied a looser definition of the concept and deconstructed its rigid criteria. The empirical part of the thesis presents a case study (N=4) based on comparative methods that analyzes variable influence of four particular epistemic communities (the authors of the White Paper on Tertiary Education, Bezdek's Committee, Bezdek's Committee II, and the National Economic Council) on policy-making process and its sources. Regarding our intention and research questions, we have chosen two qualitative methods - in-depth interviews and content analysis of relevant texts. We have...