Dissertation--Berlin--Technische Universität, 2007. / Bibliogr. p. 605-626.

Magisterarbeit--Universität München, 2004. / Bibliogr. p. 107-119.

Focusing on the period 1940–1942, this thesis investigates the nature of the relationship between the Vichy regime and Jews of French citizenship who found themselves under its control. Despite Vichy’s implication in the Holocaust, this study examines the possibility for convergence, however partial and temporary, between Vichy’s plans for regeneration and Jewish ambitions to participate in the New Order. This investigation aims to explain the seemingly contradictory circumstances in which a French Jew could be at once persecuted under Vichy’s anti-Semitic legislation, and rewarded for the promotion of certain French values by the government’s programme of National Revolution. This unstudied dilemma is explored in this thesis through an examination of French Jewish youth. An analysis of this social category provides a point of entry into the ambivalences of Vichy’s policies. While Vichy enacted legislation in order to marginalise Jewish participation in the national community, the regime was also emphatically in favour of French Jewish youth contributing to the National Revolution. Methodologically this study moves away from the long-established categories of resistance, rescue and persecution. Rather than merely examining Jewish youth’s activities during the establishment of the Vichy regime as a period of formation and preparation for later resistance or rescue activity, this study seeks to investigate the ways in which, from 1940–1942, the Vichy regime and French Jewish youth sought to coexist. This aspect of the war years has almost entirely disappeared from France’s collective memory and from the historiographical debates over Vichy and the Jews.

Habilitation - Johannes Gutenberg-Universität, Mainz, 2003. / Academy publication. Copyright by Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Mainz. Includes bibliographical references (p. [459]-500) and index.

Habilitation - Johannes Gutenberg-Universität, Mainz, 2003. / Academy publication. Copyright by Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Mainz. Includes bibliographical references (p. [459]-500) and index.

There has been a recent trend in Western Europe that is out of place with the liberal society that exists there. Governments have been passing laws that are discriminatory against Muslims. This may seem to be a result of the September 11th attacks in America. However, this is not the case. Britain, France, and the Netherlands have all had their own events that have changed the perspectives of their people. These events did not all make the international news in the way that September 11th did. Yet these events are just as important to look at when asking why this level of discrimination is allowed to exist. Once the event is identified, one must look at how the society and government are structured .. What are the unique cases and situations in each country that allowed the event to take place? Who decided to change the laws? What effect have these laws had? What could these changes mean in the future? With the War on Terror, Islam has come under the microscope. Using textual analysis of other authors and scholars, I hope to answer these questions. However, one cannot look at just Islam alone in hopes of solving the very real problems facing these states today. These states have to deal with a new wave of immigration, and those that are coming in have a much different culture. Values· are hard to change. A workable solution needs to be found in order for both groups, Muslims and non-Muslims, to live in peace.

This work is dedicated to the imagination of migrant communities from former Yugoslavia contextualized in their relation to the history, space and culture. The empirical basis of this work is grounded in the contemporary history of the migration vagues from former Yugoslavia. The first part of the work deals with the methodology and theory relevant for the following case studies that form the second part of this work. Its third part consists in history of the three migration vagues - political, economical and refugee migration. The sources of this work are heterogeneous and they are partly issued from the narration of the informants during several in-depth interviews and participant observation. The backbone of this work consist in the case studies focusing on the historical memory, lived space and popular culture of the migrant communitites from the former Yugoslaviain France, Austria and other European countries.

Iran, with its attractive geographical position and its abundant natural resources, has had an undeniable attraction for the world's greatest powers over the history. Well before the creation of the Islamic Republic of Iran, this country established high level of economic interactions with a great variety of political partners. In recent years, the country's change of regime has had a crucial impact on those relationships. By analysing the trade data between Iran and Western countries (the U.S.A., Canada, the U.K., France, Germany, and Italy) as well as the major Eastern countries (China, Russia, and India), it is possible to establish a better understanding of how political events have impacted Iran's commerce with the world's major economic players. It is also possible to understand how the change of direction of the Iranian's imports and exports can impact the behavior of the other nations studied. This research focuses on the analysis of Iranian trade since 1969, ten years before the revolution and until 2009.

Univ., Diss.--Saarbrücken, 2003.

From 1838 until the end of the European Revolutions in 1852, the French Revolution provided Chartists with a repertoire of symbolism that Chartists would deploy in their activism, histories, and literature to foster a sense of collective consciousness, define a democratic world-view, and encourage internationalist sentiment. Challenging conservative notions of the revolution as a bloody and anarchic affair, Chartists constructed histories of 1789 that posed the era as a romantic struggle for freedom and nationhood analogous to their own, and one that was deeply entwined with British history and national identity. During the 1830s, Chartist opposition to the New Poor Law drew from the gothic repertoire of the Bastille to frame inequality in Britain. The workhouse 'bastile' was not viewed simply as an illegitimate imposition upon Britain, but came to symbolise the character of class rule. Meanwhile, Chartist newspapers also printed fictions based on the French Revolution, inserting Chartist concerns into the narratives, and their histories of 1789 stressed the similarity between France on the eve of revolution and Britain on the eve of the Charter. During the 1840s Chartist internationalism was contextualised by a framework of thinking about international politics constructed around the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while the convulsions of Continental Europe during 1848 were interpreted as both a confirmation of Chartist historical discourse and as the opening of a new era of international struggle. In the Democratic Review (1849-1850), the Red Republican (1850), and The Friend of the People (1850-1852), Chartists like George Julian Harney, Helen Macfarlane, William James Linton, and Gerald Massey, along with leading figures of the radical émigrés of 1848, characterised 'democracy' as a spirit of action and a system of belief. For them, the democratic heritage was populated by a diverse array of figures, including the Apostles of Jesus, Martin Luther, the romantic poets, and the Jacobins of 1793. The 'Red Republicanism' that flourished during 1848-1852 was sustained by the historical viewpoints arrived at during the Chartist period generally. Attempts to define a 'science' of socialism was as much about correcting the misadventures of past ages as it was a means to realise the promise announced by the 'Springtime of the Peoples'.