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What factors motivate members of minority groups to vote based on an ethnic attachment? What motivates candidates and political parties to make appeals to specific ethnic groups? I argue that ethnic voting is more likely to emerge when individual socialization experiences and dissatisfaction increase the salience of ethnic identity, contextual factors serve to politicize this salient identity, and the mobilization potential of the ethnic group is high, making it more likely that an ethnic-based appeal will be successful. I test this theory with a combination of regional-level large-N statistical comparisons, case studies, and individual-level survey data. / I primarily examine party voting in the Baltic Republics and Ukraine. In these systems, I contend, ethnic voting may manifest support for traditional ethnic parties but also support for more mainstream but ethnically inclusive parties. These inclusive parties, generally overlooked in the ethnic politics literature, are an important component of ethnic representation and an important addition to research on ethnic voting. While in this work I focus on the Russian minority in the countries of the former Soviet Union, the general theory I develop may be applied to ethnic minorities in other political environments.

What explains minority-state urban conflict across Europe? When, how and why do some localities seem more prone to turn the political expression of grievance into a blood sport, while others avoid this fate altogether, even when faced with similar internal and external conditions? To answer these questions, my argument challenges existing interpretations of minority-state relations based on "national models" of integration, cultural variables and minority inequality. Instead, I find that it is the entrenchment of local political elites and their strategic foundational social alliances with minority populations that ultimately condition the likelihood of violent confrontation and the ways in which it is managed at the local level. / Government

<p> Joaqu&iacute;n Sorolla (1863-1923) painted numerous works of children bathing and playing on Spain's Mediterranean shores. This life-affirming subject allowed Sorolla to participate in the broad cultural discourse in Spain concerning cultural regeneration. Sorolla's work with the subject of the child bather intensified in the decade following the Crisis of 1898. <i>Sad Inheritance! </i>, his first monumental work on a child bather subject, directly engages the Theory of Degeneration, and the degeneration of Spain itself. While creating this work, Sorolla also developed paintings of child bathers that moved decisively toward a vision of regeneration. It was this regenerative vision that the artist would pursue in a number of complex and shifting ways, until creating a series of large child bather paintings in 1909. This thesis takes an episodic approach, studying key works from a decade of Sorolla' s output. </p>

<p>Through comparative case studies of Slovakia and Hungary, I explore the competitive relationship between governing parties and radical right parties in post European Union accession parliaments. This research highlights the roles of ethno-nationalism and populism and employs Slovakia&rsquo;s ethnic Hungarian minority, as manifested through the 2009 Slovak language law and the 2010 Hungarian citizenship law, as a focal point of competition between party groups. I argue that this competition reveals a more influential role than typically attributed to radical right parties. The first half of the article tests these cases against Meguid&rsquo;s (2008) position, salience, and ownership theory of competition between unequals. The second half of the article analyzes this competition and points to electoral strategies, coalition and opposition policy payoffs, governing party reputations, and each country&rsquo;s legal landscape as areas affected by the radical right&rsquo;s presence. </p><p> <i>Keywords</i>: Radical right; Hungarian minority; language; citizenship; accommodation, issue ownership, issue salience; competition. </p>

<p> Since the 1980's, Europe has experienced a resurgence in the extreme right. In this paper, attention will be directed on the successes and failures of the extreme right in Spain, Portugal, and Italy. Additionally, this paper will analyze whether the current Eurozone crisis has benefitted the extreme right in these countries, as it has done in Greece. However, it will be argued that the benefits of the Eurozone crisis for the extreme right have been limited to increased media attention and less on electoral success. This is evidenced by the vast array of news articles contributing to the idea that the extreme right is strengthening in light of the Eurozone crisis; yet the extreme right has experienced limited electoral success in Spain and Portugal due to its inability to shed its fascist links, and the extreme right has had decreased electoral success in Italy's recent elections.</p>