In 2011, Oregon was one of many states in the U.S. consolidating their education governance around an early learning, K-12, and postsecondary hub. This study uses legislator-voting data to investigate the relationship between this consolidated model and endogenous policy formulation processes. This study employs a separable temporal exponential random graph model (STERGM) to investigate how an education governance shift toward consolidated authority relates to bipartisan outcomes for education-related bills over time. Oregon legislator voting networks were analyzed for cohesion, centrality, and community detection measures, as well as by legislator attributes (e.g. gender, party, and title) to test the association they had on the likelihood of forming ties with other legislators. Finally, to study the relationship of bipartisanship with legislators’ likelihood to vote commonly, I added the legislators’ political party attributes within dyads to analyze the association that having different political parties had on legislators’ common votes. The results highlight evidence of legislator networks that were very dense at each time point included in the study, with a high likelihood of forming ties. However, when Oregon shifted to centralized education governance model their legislator networks became more distributed and cohesive when compared to other years included in the longitudinal study. It is possible that such a shift prompted collaboration among legislators resulting in mutuality that increased the likelihood for underrepresented groups of legislators (e.g. females and republicans) to vote commonly with their colleagues. Aligned with previous research, this study found that centralized governing bodies reinforced by political legislation provided collaborative initiatives for the legislative community. Attending to bipartisan voting patterns dynamically through a governance shift is a valuable investigation that will provide nuanced inferences about education governance and policymaking for states making similar consolidated governance shifts in the future.

How are arms export choices made within a state? In this dissertation I use a foreign policy analysis framework to examine this question. I focus on examining each of the three primary levels of analysis in international relations as it relates to the main question. I begin with a typical international relations level and examine the characteristics of the two states that dominate the world arms trade: The United States and Russia. I then examine the full network of relations among all states in the international system that are involved in the sale or purchase of arms. To do this I use an Exponential Random Graph Model (ERGM) to examine these relations, which I derived from data on arms sales from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). I examine the arms sales in each decade from 1950 through 2010. In order to answer the question of how arms decisions are made within the state, I focus my inquiry on the United States and Russia. It is these states that have the practical capability to use arms transfers as a foreign policy tool. I examine the foreign policy making mechanisms in each of these states to determine how arms transfers can be used as a foreign policy tool. I examine and the bureaucratic institutions within each state and come up with a state ordering preference for how arms decisions are evaluated in each state. Finally, I use case studies to examine arms relations between the both the U.S. and Russia and three other states in each case. The other states were selected based on the pattern of sales between the two countries. I examine these sales to determine the impact of bureaucratic maneuvering and interest politics on the decision-making process within Russia and the United States. I find in my network analysis that the traditional measures of state power - military spending, regime type, and military alliances - do not account for the overall structure of the arms sale network. The most important factors in the formation of the arms sale network in each of the six decades that I study are specific configurations of triadic relations that suggest a continued hierarchy in the arms sale network. I find in my case study chapters that a simple model of state interest as a decision-making rule accounts for the decisions made by the different bureaucratic actors in the U.S. Russian arms sales are driven by a state imperative to increase Russia's market share, and there is high-level involvement in making different arms deals with other countries.

Knowledge diffusion networks consist of individuals who exchange knowledge and knowledge flows connecting the individuals. By studying knowledge diffusion in a network perspective, it helps us understand how the connections between individuals affect the knowledge diffusion processes. Existing research on knowledge diffusion networks mostly adopts a uni-dimensional perspective, where all the individuals in the networks are assumed to be of the same type. It also assumes that there is only one type of knowledge flow in the network. This dissertation proposes a multi-dimensional perspective of knowledge diffusion networks and examines the patterns of knowledge diffusion with Exponential Random Graph Model (ERGM) based approaches. The objective of this dissertation is to propose a framework that effectively addresses the multi-dimensionality of knowledge diffusion networks, to enable researchers and practitioners to conceptualize the multi-dimensional knowledge diffusion networks in various domains, and to provide implications on how to stimulate and control the knowledge diffusion process. The dissertation consists of three essays, all of which examine the multi-dimensional knowledge diffusion networks in a specific context, but each focuses on a different aspect of knowledge diffusion. Chapter 2 focuses on how structural properties of networks affect various types of knowledge diffusion processes in the domain of commercial technology. The study uses ERGM to simultaneously model multiple types of knowledge flows and examine their interactions. The objective is to understand the impacts of network structures on knowledge diffusion processes. Chapter 3 focuses on examining the impact of individual attributes and the attributes of knowledge on knowledge diffusion in the context of scientific innovation. Based on social capital theory, the study also utilizes ERGM to examine how knowledge transfer and knowledge co-creation can be affected by the attributes of individual researchers and the attributes of scientific knowledge. Chapter 4 considers the dynamic aspect of knowledge diffusion and proposes a novel network model extending ERGM to identify dynamic patterns of knowledge diffusion in social media. In the proposed model, dynamic patterns in social media networks are modeled based on the nodal attributes of individuals and the temporal information of network ties.

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Les biotechnologies, le réchauffement climatique, les ressources naturelles et la gestion des écosystèmes sont tous représentatifs de la “nouvelle politique de la nature” (Hajer 2003), un terme englobant les enjeux marqués par une grande incertitude scientifique et un encadrement réglementaire inadapté aux nouvelles réalités, suscitant de fait un conflit politique hors du commun. Dans l'espoir de diminuer ces tensions et de générer un savoir consensuel, de nombreux gouvernements se tournent vers des institutions scientifiques ad hoc pour documenter l'élaboration des politiques et répondre aux préoccupations des partie-prenantes. Mais ces évaluations scientifiques permettent-elles réellement de créer une compréhension commune partagée par ces acteurs politiques polarisés? Alors que l'on pourrait croire que celles-ci génèrent un climat d'apprentissage collectif rassembleur, un environnement politique conflictuel rend l'apprentissage entre opposant extrêmement improbable. Ainsi, cette recherche documente le potentiel conciliateur des évaluation scientifique en utilisant le cas des gaz de schiste québécois (2010-2014). Ce faisant, elle mobilise la littérature sur les dimensions politiques du savoir et de la science afin de conceptualiser le rôle des évaluations scientifiques au sein d'une théorie de la médiation scientifique (scientific brokerage). Une analyse de réseau (SNA) des 5751 références contenues dans les documents déposés par 268 organisations participant aux consultations publiques de 2010 et 2014 constitue le corps de la démonstration empirique. Précisément, il y est démontré comment un médiateur scientifique peut rediriger le flux d'information afin de contrer l'incompatibilité entre apprentissage collectif et conflit politique. L'argument mobilise les mécanismes cognitifs traditionnellement présents dans la théorie des médiateurs de politique (policy broker), mais introduit aussi les jeux de pouvoir fondamentaux à la circulation de la connaissance entre acteurs politiques. / Biotechnology, climate change, natural resources, and ecosystem management are all representative of the “new politics of nature” (Hajer 2003), a term encompassing policy issues with high scientific uncertainties, unadapted regulatory regimes, and acute political conflict. In the hope of diminishing these tensions and generating a consensual understanding, several governments mandated ad hoc scientific institutions to document policymaking and answer stakeholder’s concerns. But do those scientific assessments really help to generate a shared understanding between otherwise polarized policy actors? While it would be possible that these create inclusive collective learning dynamics, policy learning has been shown as being extremely unlikely among competing policy actors. Accordingly, this research documents the conciliatory power of scientific assessments using the Quebec shale gas policymaking case (2010–2014). In doing so, it mobilizes the literature stressing the political nature of science to conceptualize scientific assessment in light of a scientific brokerage theory. Empirically, the research uses Social Network Analysis to unravel the collective learning dynamics found in two information networks built from the 5751 references found in the advocacy and technical documents published by 268 organizations during two public consultations. Precisely, findings demonstrate that scientific brokerage can redirect information flows to counteract the divide between collective learning and political conflict. The argument mobilizes cognitive mechanisms traditionally found in policy brokerage theory, but also introduces often forgotten power interplays prominent in policy-related knowledge diffusion.