Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2001. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-217). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2001. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-217). Also available on the Internet.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Wollongong, 2008. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references: leaf 150-165.

No description available.

This thesis focuses on the relationship between the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) economies and global climate change mitigation policies with a view to determining the energy exports demand security risks of OPEC member states. The successful implementation of a universally adopted climate regime has been marred with controversies as different interest groups have raised their concerns about all the options presented so far. OPEC as the major crude oil exporting group in the world has been in the forefront of these debates and negotiations. OPEC’s major concern is the envisaged adverse impacts of the industrialised countries carbon reductions on its members' economies. Several studies have shown that when industrialised countries adopt carbon dioxide emissions reduction policies in line with the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, such as carbon taxes and energy efficiency strategies, OPEC’s net price of crude oil decreases at the same time as a reduction in the quantity of crude oil products sold. OPEC believes that such climate change policy-induced fall in crude oil exports revenues would have a significant negative effect on its members' economies. With the limitations related to the assumptions of the existing energy economy models on the impacts of climate change mitigation policies on OPEC’s economies (Barnett et al, 2004), this study opts for a risk based model. This model quantifies the energy exports demand security risks of OPEC members with special interest on crude oil. This study also investigates the effects of carbon reduction policies on crude oil prices vis-à-vis the impacts of crude oil prices on OPEC’s economies. To address these three main issues, this thesis adopts a three-prong approach. The first paper addresses the impacts of climate change mitigation on crude oil prices using a dynamic panel model. Results from the estimated dynamic panel model show that the relationship between crude oil prices and climate change mitigation is positive. The results also indicate that a 1% change in carbon intensity causes a 1.6% and 8.4% changes in crude oil prices in the short run and long run, respectively. The second paper focuses on the impacts of crude oil prices on OPEC economies using a panel vector auto regression (VAR) approach, highlighting the exposure of OPEC members to the volatile crude oil prices. The findings from the panel VAR model show that the relationship between OPEC members’ economic growth and crude oil prices is positive and economic growth in OPEC member states respond positively and significantly to a 10% deviation in crude oil prices by 1.4% in the short run and 1.7% in the long run. The third paper creates an index of the risks OPEC members face when there is a decline in the demand for their crude oil exports. To show these risks, this study develops two indexes to show the country level risks and the contributions to the OPEC-wide risks exposure. The results from the indexes show that OPEC members that are more dependent on crude oil exports are faced with more energy exports demand risks. The findings from this thesis are relevant for the development of a new OPEC energy policy that should accommodate the realities of a sustainable global climate regime. They are also useful to the respective governments of the countries that are members of OPEC and non-OPEC crude oil exporting countries. Finally, the outcomes of this thesis also contribute to the climate change and energy economics literature, especially for academic and subsequent research purposes.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Flinders University, School of Politics and International Studies. / Typescript bound. Includes bibliographical references: (leaves 336-398) Also available online.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Southampton, 1987. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 237-251).

Doctor Legum - LLD / African countries are faced with the daunting task of providing a comprehensive regulatory framework for their natural resources. This is at both the international and domestic level. The statement is particularly true for emerging African oil producing countries. Related to the above, it can be argued that production quotas, subsidies, and corruption continue to hinder the full liberalisation of the oil sector globally, and in Africa. Also, these three areas are the genesis of some of the prominent issues in the discussions of trade in energy goods. Although Africa is substantially endowed with natural resources like crude oil, it remains at the bottom of the development pecking order; accordingly, it has to get centrally involved in the debate on the regulation of international trade in oil to encourage development and to benefit from the resource. The World Trade Organisation (WTO) and the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) are the most relevant organisations in the collective regulation of production quotas, oil consumption subsidies and the control of corruption in the oil sector. Both organisations, directly for the former, and indirectly for the latter, deal with trade between nations. OPEC‘s mandate is established in the OPEC Statute, while the mandate of the WTO is found in various multilateral and plurilateral agreements. However, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (1994) (GATT), the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM), and the Agreement on Government Procurement (GPA) are the most relevant. The Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) is only discussed where relevant. This is because the treaty is based on the WTO framework. Also, several provisions in the WTO agreements are not fully discussed in the ECT. OPEC which deals with regulation of oil production and to some extent oil prices in member countries has an effect on trade of the commodity. The role of the WTO however, is more direct as it regulates international trade of various vi goods and services. Thus this thesis investigates how the above legal frameworks regulate production quotas, subsidies, and corruption in the oil sector. The results of the foregoing investigation are then applied to African countries, such as, Nigeria, Angola (members of both the WTO and OPEC) and Ghana, an emerging African oil producing country, to assess the impact of these international rules on the countries‘ legal regimes. Ghana has recently developed its crude oil sector. The success of the nascent oil sector of this country may depend on the conception or improvement of a comprehensive legal framework, to regulate international trade in oil. It is apparent that without an effective legal framework to regulate international trade in oil, the discovery of oil in Ghana, may not make any long term positive impact on the current economic conditions. Ghana is a member of the WTO; however, it is yet to join OPEC, despite growing debate on its membership in the organisation.

The dissertation addresses the causes and consequences of the 1973-1974 energy crisis. A new postcolonial concept of sovereignty, "permanent sovereignty over natural resources," challenged the structure of the international economy in the early 1950s. The proponents of permanent sovereignty identified the relationship between the industrial nations and raw material producers as a vestige of empire. By gaining control over national resources, Third World leaders hoped to reset the relationship between the developing and developed nations. The concept of permanent sovereignty authenticated new definitions and goals of decolonization and statehood. A new middle ground between U.S. diplomacy and Third World economic thought emerged in international oil politics. Chapters on the 1967 Arab oil embargo, Saudi and Iranian demands in the wake of imperial Britain's Persian Gulf withdrawal, the legal battles over the Iraqi Ba'ath regime's nationalized oil, and the reverberating effects of newly radical Libyan politics, explain how members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) remade permanent sovereignty between 1967 to 1972. OPEC underscored the salience of permanent sovereignty in the international political economy, but it also undermined it. The built-in tension culminated in the 1973-1974 energy crisis. The final chapters discuss how the impregnable sovereignty preached by OPEC and its transnational backers in the New International Economic Order engendered a strategic response from the United States: neoliberal diplomacy. OPEC's cartel politics became a scapegoat for policymakers who simplified and codified neoclassical economic ideas. Market-centered reform developed into an analytical refuge in the political-economic wreckage of the energy crisis. American strategy toward the International Monetary Fund and the United Nations reveal that neoliberal diplomacy became widely influential in U.S. foreign policy. / text