4 maps in end pocket of v.2 / 2 v. (439 leaves) : ill., maps, tables ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Thesis (Ph.D.1976)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 1976?

家族、移民和革命，是考察中國的僑鄉社會，尤其是民國時期的僑鄉社會所不可或缺的三大元素。傳統的華人華僑研究，多把華僑與國民黨的革命活動聯繫起來，以突出華僑對國民黨革命的重要性。然而，這些研究往往忽略了華僑跟共產黨領導的革命的繫連。在當代的潮汕地區，爲了吸引華僑投資家鄉與促進僑鄉的文化旅遊發展，部分僑鄉重構鄉村參與共產黨革命的歷史，建立起「紅色僑鄉」。 / 「紅色僑鄉」這個文化標籤的建立，成爲僑鄉、僑居地與國家之間的文化、政治關係的象徵符號。本文主要以廣東澄海後溝村為個案研究，由此討論僑鄉社會如何塑造自身的歷史與文化。本文嘗試指出，第一次國共合作破裂之後，共產黨在鄉村中秘密動員、組織農民階級對抗「地主階級」，鄉民參加革命能夠起到協調地域社區權力結構中力量的不平衡的作用。自20年代中后期在僑鄉社會中形成的關係網絡延續至抗日戰爭及解放戰爭，與海外移民網絡共同影響著鄉村的宗族和地域社會。當代僑鄉的紅色革命形象，是國家自上而下的意識形態工程所塑造的，也是地方家族、移民在追尋自身利益與政治認同的結果。 / Lineage, migration and revolution are three major elements to study emigrant communities in China, especially in the Republican period. Traditional studies on overseas Chinese focus on the relationship between overseas Chinese and KuoMinTang’s revolutionary activities and highlight the importance of overseas Chinese to KMT revolution. However, these studies often ignore the relationship between overseas Chinese and revolutionary activities led by Chinese Communist Party. In the Chaoshan region, some of the emigrant communities, in order to attract overseas Chinese investment and develop cultural tourism, attempt to establish a "Red Emigrant Community" status through reconstructing the history of village’s participating in CCP’s revolution. / "Red Emigrant Community", or Hongse qiaoxiang, is a cultural label linking emigrant communities and the State. This thesis, using Hougou village as an example explores how emigrant communities shape their own "red" history and culture. After the first cooperation of KMT and CCP, CCP secretly began to mobilize and organize peasants against landlords in villages. Villager’s participation in revolutionary activities could be seen as a balance of power in the local community. Together with their overseas networks, emigrant communities’ revolutionary networks, which were formed in the 1920s and continued through the WWII and the Liberation, influenced villages’ lineage and regional structures. Red Emigrant Community is not only a top-down National projects. It is a result of pursuing interests and seeking political identity by local lineage and overseas Chinese. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 王惠. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 170-187). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Wang Hui.

This research explores the mechanisms through which farmers in contemporary China might stage successful environmental protests by studying the Huazhen Incident. The author argues that the Huazhen farmers' success in forcing the local government to close the heavily-polluting industrial park can be accounted for by their having successfully aligned an anti-pollution frame with an anti-corruption one, employing the formal village social organizations as mobilizing structures, and creatively developing opportunities for group participation by senior villagers. These three processes empowered Huazhen farmers and constrained the repressive power of the local state as follows: First, environmental issues in Huazhen were entangled with various other social problems. Issue entrepreneurs effectively integrated farmers' multiple grievances through bridging the anti-pollution and anti-corruption frames. Secondly, Huazhen farmers creatively used formal village social organizations as mobilizing structures. By embedding a village-wide mobilization of anti-pollution protest into the village committee election process and by employing the Society of Senior Villagers to mobilize the elderly, the Huazhen protest enjoyed the support of the majority of villagers, as well as the main force of the senior villagers necessary for a breakthrough. Thirdly, farmers in Huazhen both employed existing opportunities and developed new ones, making full use of the formalistic opportunities provided by the local government. Most importantly, the farmers in Huazhen strategically explored the group-specific opportunities of the elderly for constraining state power through the weapons of the weak. During the early stages of the protest, the power of the weak forced the local government to appeal to emotion work instead of repression in order to demobilize the protesters. While officials were doing this, the elderly were protesting with a strategic dramaturgy of moderate extremism, which served to further mobilize the farmers and garner support from the general public. Confronting the moderate but persistent protests of the elderly, the local government switched to repression. Excessive repression, however, failed to control the protests. Worse still, such repression gave farmers the moral high ground. Farmers in Huazhen utilized the protest spectacle as an alternative media and turned the protest base into a direct theatre, broadcasting their protest and sensitizing the public by making them bear witness to state oppression, thereby deconstructing the official discourse of the repression. The protest of farmers in Huazhen ultimately triggered intervention from higher-level authorities, which forced the local state to make a full concession: closing the entire industrial park. / 鄧燕華. / Adviser: Lianjiang Li. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-01, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 175-190). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Deng Yanhua.