Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

決定美國外交政策的因素是多樣的，有國內因素與國外因素。概括而言，影響其外交決策的國內政治力量有總統、國務院及國務卿，國防部、國會，利益集團同媒體等等，而上述各個權力體都會受到公眾輿論的限制。可以說，公眾輿論是美國這個民主政體的外交行為不可忽視的影響力量。早至上世紀中葉，以沃爾特李普曼為代表的一批國際關係專家曾掀起研究公眾輿論的熱潮，李普曼、阿爾蒙德等持現實主義理論的學者認為公眾輿論不具有穩定性和理性，其情緒化，變幻莫測還容易收到外界影響，不應影響一國的外交決策。爭鋒相對的，自由主義理論的支持者則堅持公眾有權利參與外交決策，也有能力從國家利益出發理性地參與外交問題。 / 自由主義和現實主義理論關於公眾輿論的認識是從不同角度出發去理解公眾輿論在外交決策領域的作用，因此二者難分上下，也不分對錯，一再糾纏與兩種理論的爭鋒不利於我們瞭解美國公眾輿論和外交決策的真實關係。本研究即是從此出發點考慮，跳出理論之爭，而將研究的重點集中於分析公眾輿論是如何在具體的情境中與政府互動的。筆者將通過對1940年代這一政策調整頻繁時期《紐約時報》對華新聞報導的分析，來考察在宋美齡訪美、重慶談判、承認中華人民共和國等歷史事件中美國民眾、媒體態度的變化以及政府在其中的角色如何。本研究的創新之處則在於從小處，即《紐約時報》的新聞報導著手看公眾輿論與美國外交決策這一宏觀互動關係的具體形式，希望有助於美國政治文化的研究。 / Over the past six decades since the founding of the People's Republic of China, our understanding of the Sino-U.S. relations has undergone considerable revisions. From the beginning of the Cold War to President Nixon’s visit to China, U.S. and China had been from enemies to friends, rivals to partners, later with the rise of China as one important power of world politics as well as economy, the balance between relations of U.S. and China flows with the distinguished definition of national interests. Therefore, the images of China in American eyes were never belonged to any stable type, public opinion in the U.S. has developed many different perspectives on China. / Public Opinion plays an interesting role in shaping U.S. foreign policy, and the academic community and political observers have repeatedly debated on elaborations of its influence. To examine whether public opinion has participated in the policy making process of U.S. diplomacy is one good way to investigate if the development and expansion of government institutions would undermine the operation of liberal democracy and infringe on personal liberties. / In order to answer the question in how Public Opinion influences the Government in foreign policy making and how the government, the media and Public interacted, I will conduct empirical studies and News analysis to interpret the New York Times News reports concerning U.S. Foreign Policy towards China in the 1940s. By investigating the interactive relations among the U.S. government, the media represented by New York Times and Public Opinion, I intend to conclude that Public Opinion do play an important role in the foreign policy making process, and the way the Government and Public perceive national interest defines the patterns of their interactions. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 李佳. / "2012年8月". / "2012 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-97). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Li Jia. / 目錄 --- p.iii / Chapter 第一章 --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 《紐約時報》的歷史與風格 --- p.8 / Chapter 第三章 --- 宋美齡訪美 --- p.15 / Chapter （一）、 --- 宋美齡的美國之行 --- p.16 / Chapter （二）、 --- 《紐約時報》的新聞報導與“宋美齡訪美的真相 --- p.19 / Chapter （三）、 --- 結論 --- p.37 / Chapter 第四章 --- “重慶談判 --- p.39 / Chapter （一）、 --- “重慶談判 --- p.39 / Chapter （二）、 --- 《紐約時報》有關“重慶談判的新聞報導及其背景 --- p.41 / Chapter 1、 --- 《紐約時報》與“重慶談判的背景 --- p.41 / Chapter 2、 --- 《紐約時報》對“重慶談判經過的報導 --- p.44 / Chapter （三）、 --- 結論 --- p.61 / Chapter 第五章 --- 美國在承認新中國問題上的爭論 --- p.63 / Chapter （一）、 --- 承認問題始末 --- p.63 / Chapter （二）、 --- 《紐約時報》關於“承認新中國問題的報導和美國在承認問題上的態度 --- p.65 / Chapter （三）、 --- 結論 --- p.86 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結語 --- p.89 / p.94 / p.94 / p.96 / Chapter 附錄： --- 《紐約時報》資料列表 --- p.98

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences / Department of Government and Public Administration

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University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Communication

At the end of the nineteenth century, English-Canadians and Americans faced each other across the border with old animosities. Many Canadians adhered to familiar ideas of Loyalism, imperialism and anti-Americanism to differentiate the Dominion from the republic. In the United States, on the other hand, lingering notions of anglophobia and "Manifest Destiny" caused Americans to look upon the British colony to the north as a dangerous and unnatural entity. America's rise to world power status and the Anglo-American rapprochement, however, forced Americans and Canadians to adapt to the new international reality. Emphasizing their shared language, civilization, and forms of government, many English-speaking North Americans drew upon Anglo-Saxonism to find common ground. Indeed, Americans and Canadians often referred to each other as members of the same "family" sharing the same "blood," thus differentiating themselves from other races. As many of the events of the rapprochement had a North American context, Americans and English-Canadians often drew upon the common lexicon of Anglo-Saxon rhetoric to undermine the old rivalries and underscore their shared interests. Though the predominance of Anglo-Saxonism at the turn of the century proved short-lived, it left a legacy of Canadian-American goodwill, as both nations accepted their shared destiny on the continent and Canada as a key link in the North Atlantic Triangle.

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