Thesis (M.A)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006. / The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file viewed on (February 7, 2007 Includes bibliographical references.

Zugleich: Diss. Würzburg, 2007. / Literaturverz.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Queen's University, 1999. / Cover title. Includes bibliographical references (p. 267-282). Also available in electronic form via the World Wide Web.

The maritagium, or marriage portion, was the gift of land or rents given by a father on the occasion of his daughter's marriage. Using the evidence of the surviving charters, printed and archival, which detail the terms and conditions of this grant, in combination with those charters made by the donees or their heirs which refer to the maritagium, and other evidence such as law suits and administrative records (again printed and manuscript), my thesis examined the actual grant and enjoyment of the maritagium in England. It will be shown that the custom of the maritagium was widespread, if not universal, and penetrated all ranks of society. Furthermore maritagia seem to have been given to more than one daughter, and even, on occasion to illegitimate daughters, when the family could afford to do so. This indicates that medieval society, in this period, did not concentrate its resources in the hands of one heir but distributed land within the family, in contrast to previous work which has emphasised the growing concentration of land in the hands of the male heir. The mechanism and method of granting the portion remained remarkably similar over time, varying only in the amount of land, or rent, given as a portion. In particular the thesis examines the maritagium in relation to the lives of women; the charter and legal evidence had strongly indicated that the maritagium was accounted part of the lands of a woman. Examining the maritagia charters it was evident that the charter language changed over the period to reflect this fact, changing from a gift made from a man to a man with a woman, to a gift made to a couple. This change occurred over the course of the twelfth century but, regardless of who the donee was in the original charter, or what the language used seemed to signify, from the earliest period widows were found in control of their maritagium lands. This fact had important ramifications for the position of women within society; for those women who were not heiresses marriage gave a claim to lands which they could utilise in their widowhoods. Furthermore, and unlike dower, the maritagium resembled inherited land in that it could be permanently alienated by a widow if she so desired. These findings were reinforced by the customs to be found written in the works attributed to Glanvill and Bracton, and by the surviving law suits recorded at the eyres of medieval England. In these cases the rights of women to their maritagia were asserted by widows and reinforced by the courts. In this period the ability to own and alienate land conferred power, and the maritagium gave many women the right to lands and powers which they would otherwise have lacked. This was the case until the enactment of the statute De Donis in 1285 which barred both men and women from alienating the maritagium away from their heirs, or from preventing the reversion to the donor's heirs should they prove childless. This statute, which forms the upper date limit of my thesis, thus had a major impact on the rights of women over their property, and also on the customary arrangements made by families with regard to their lands. The maritagium was not, however, only of relevance to women. It did form an important part of the lands of women who were not heiresses, indeed the practice was linked to female inheritance customs, but during marriage the maritagium was controlled and utilised by the husband. In this way men also participated in the gift. In addition because the maritagium involved the passing of land from one family to another the maritagium enabled marriage to be used as a means of dispute settlement or alliance, political, social or economic. By making prudent marriages a family could also accumulate land near the centre of the patrimony whilst disposing of outlying land as maritagia in turn. The maritagium gift thus played a major role in medieval society.

Gift-giving is a multimillion-dollar industry that affects almost everyone, and its economic importance is, "uncontested in terms of retail sales alone" (Sherry, 1983, p. 157). In romantic relationships, gift-giving plays an essential role in determining the overall satisfaction of the couple. With both positive and negative effects resulting from this exchange, it is curious why there is a desire to provide gifts in the first place. Are we lying when we say, "It1s the thought that counts," or has society really conditioned us to believe that gifts are a good proxy for feelings? This study investigates the reason behind gift-giving with regard to three distinct groups - intimate partners, family and friends - through the creation of a gift-giving scale. There is currently no validated measure for the effects of gift-giving. A factor analysis indicated a reliable 7-factor structure from the questionnaire: Gifts on Special Occasions, Jewelry, Use of 'Display of Gifts, Animals as Gifts, Gifts to/from a Significant Other, Money Earned, and Gifts for Pets. Each factor was tested using a 1-sample t-test to determine effects on gender in participant response. They were also analyzed with two one-way ANOVAs testing race and the participant's year-in-school for any effects. Six additional items of interest were analyzed and should be included in the scale. Gender differences were found for four of the seven factors, as well as effects for race and year-in-school. Six additional items from the Baruch Gift-Giving Scale were analyzed and shown to have significant gender differences in participant's beliefs on gift-giving. Through analysis of this research, we predict a better understanding of the importance that society and marketing place on gift-giving and the effect it has on relationships.

Commentary about solid or whole body part transplantation, transfusion and donation is well documented and has added to discourse about who gives and receives and how. Commentary about another body part – blood – is, it is argued here, less well developed (Sanner, 2001; Lock, 2004; Scheper-Hughes and Wacquant, 2006; Shaw, 2009). Blood and its modern-day sociology and anthropology is understood and limited by its links with both Titmuss’ altruism and gift exchange theories. This thesis, using a qualitative ethnographic approach, re-examines and introduces new discourse about blood, challenging the orthodoxy of altruism and seeking new understanding and justification for blood donation. It uses testimony from 80 blood donors to elicit real-time ideas about blood as a source of risk rather than a gift from strangers. It also argues that donors “give to get back” their donations rather than give as a form of altruistic behaviour, thus introducing the concept that blood donating is a form of covenant between society and the individual or a form of deposit. Issues of trust are examined via the lens of deferment as increasingly it is not good enough to just donate blood without stringent societal, as well as techno-medical, surveillance. Donating blood is shown to be a form of active citizenship, and to be deferred from doing so has a direct impact on individuals’ freedom to donate and thus community membership. The emotional labour of giving is revealed by the testimonies of “able” donors, which evidence that not only do donors perceive their blood to be special, but also the act of giving is a labour carried out by the few who can do it for the majority, in contrast to those donors who regard giving blood to be a mundane, functional practice. Lastly, an emerging hierarchy of self in relation to the body is uncovered here revealing hints at its’ inalienable status. The thesis charts the journey of blood from being a mystical part of the body, linked to goodness, to blood being the new “master tool” of modern society, imbued with risk and therefore entrusted to society via scrutinising blood management systems. The methodological framework is centred on an interpretative approach, using data gathered from interviews and questionnaires from active blood donors in sessions at the National Blood Service (NHSBT) as well as testimony gathered from individual one-to-one interviews. It refers to theories by Foucault, Mauss and Douglas to interpret the qualitative data revealing blood as a target of bio-power, risk management and social exchange and a shifting dislocated new body part, and it sets out to challenge the orthodoxy of altruism as the rationale and justification for blood donation in modern Britain.

Magister Theologiae - MTh / In this thesis I show the relationship and interplay between Deuteronomistic ideology, land (which sometimes leads to food security) and cohesion with God and with ‘brothers’ socioreligious cohesion) in Deuteronomy and the eighth century prophets (especially Micah, Amos, Isaiah and Hosea). This research argues that loyalty to the covenant with Yahweh guarantees cohesion/solidarity with Yahweh and with ‘brothers’, as well as “God’s gift of Land” (which sometimes amounts to food security). However, the broken covenant with Yahweh leads to “loss of land” which presents food insecurity, and as a consequence people turn against one another. These three interplaying-themes of ideology, land and cohesion does not follow a set path but rather but they appear in different ways hence in Deuteronomy 8 food security (abundance) leads to “loss of memory about Yahweh”. Yahweh is forgotten! But also food security fosters a relationship with Yahweh (idea of eating to remember Yahweh’s goodness). Deuteronomic texts of feasts, festivals and sharing will be utilized to prove how food (in)security guarantees and/or compromises cohesion with Yahweh and especially ‘brothers’ (Deuteronomy 6,14 and 15). The fertility curses of Deuteronomy 28 will be brought up as proof that the scarcity of food breaks down ideas of sharing and cohesion, hence, parents ate their children in secret without sharing with anyone (Deuteronomy 28:53- 5). Cohesion is compromised due to famine. The relationship between disobedience, food and fertility curses in the eighth century prophets will be explored.

Thesis advisor: John F. Baldovin / This dissertation forges a conversation between Martin Luther and Louis-Marie Chauvet on the connection between sacraments and ethics. In conducting an ecumenical conversation concerning the nature and implications of this connection, the dissertation strives to name and develop theological resonances between the two thinkers that provide new ways forward in areas where formal Lutheran-Roman Catholic dialogues have either been historically quite difficult (sacramental theology) or largely silent (ethics). The first chapter of the dissertation locates the project within the field of liturgy and ethics, especially as it developed through the Liturgical Movement in the United States in the 20th century. The chapter then moves to outlining the philosophical background of Chauvet and the hermeneutical lens through which the dissertation approaches Luther. The dissertation reads Chauvet as a faithful Roman Catholic who nevertheless wishes to re-cast sacramental theology in terms distinct from reigning Thomistic categories, and it approaches Luther through the Finnish School of Luther Interpretation, a movement that, analogously to Chauvet, has re-cast Luther's theology in terms distinct from more traditional readings of Luther. The second chapter moves to Luther himself in earnest. Outlining his sacramental theology and arguing that the way he conceives of the connection of sacraments to ethics is as unification with Christ, the chapter poises Luther for conversation with Chauvet. Likewise, the third chapter summarizes Chauvet's theology in terms of his treatment of the symbol and the symbolic, his theological anthropology, and finally his sacramental understanding of symbolic exchange and its connection to ethics. The fourth chapter builds upon the substance of the second and third chapters by actually conducting the conversation that is the dissertation's ultimate goal. Beginning by arguing that the nexus point between the two theologians is their conviction that gratuitousness and graciousness provide the ground for sacramental theology, the chapter uses that nexus to allow Chauvet and Luther to enrich each other's theologies. Specifically, tensions exist in the theological anthropologies of both Luther and Chauvet that can be eased by allowing each to inform the other. Similarly, the concept of communal ethics and the role of the sacramental community in society provide fertile ground for the theologians' mutual enrichment. The dissertation ends by gesturing toward further implications of the discussion, and by outlining possible avenues for future work. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2014. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Theology.

ABSTRACT In the HIV/AIDS literature, a perspective that has not received a great amount of attention concerning blood donation per se and the duties and obligations of Blood Transfusion Services (BTS)i when held to the question of fairness raised by socially marginalised persons (or groups) who altruistically wish to donate blood in the face of the HIV/AIDS pandemic is addressed in this research report. The represented marginalised group I use is Men who have Sex with Men (MSM)ii Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome, commonly called AIDS first came to the attention of the public in the 1980s. From an unknown unnamed emerging infectious diseaseiii ,it has grown into a pandemic familiar to all. Primarily transmitted either sexually or via contaminated needles, the HIV infected individual is initially an asymptomatic carrier. Once an individual Once an individual is infected with the virus, he or she can pass it on to others by way of body fluids, e.g. blood and semen. HIV, whether treated or not, will eventually develop into AIDS for which there is currently no known cure. AIDS is uniformly mortal. i In this research report, I will refer to the industry as “Blood Transfusion Services” although in some countries it is referred to as “Blood Bank Services” ii Men who have Sex with Men (MSM) according to the London-based PANOS Institute include men who have sex with both men and women, men who have sex with only other men, men who have sex with boys and men, male sex workers and their clients, male transvestites and transsexuals, male street children and men in prison (McKenna 1999:1) iii As defined by Lashley, F, (2006) Emerging Infectious Diseases are ‘diseases of infectious origin whose incidence in humans has increased within the past two decades or threatens to increase in the near future’ The media abounds with literature concerning HIV/AIDS looking at it from various perspectives. iv Moreover, and correctly, in South Africa we are knowledgeable that what once was considered as a threat only to homosexualsv or IV drug users – individuals marginalised by their nonconformance to society’s norms – is now epidemiologically a disease spread in our society primarily by non-drug using heterosexuals. The tension between promoting the public good in the face of an pandemic while simultaneously protecting against unjust discrimination against individuals or groups represents an ethical dilemma faced by all public health organisations including BTS. Principally contextualised in iv e.g. clinical research in, guidelines pertaining to, ethical issues about, legal precedents concerning, duties of medial personnel towards, epidemiological analysis, psychological monitoring …and so on. v At the end of the 19th century, homosexuality was profiled as a mental illness by the German psychiatrist Richard von Krafft-Ebing in his reference book Psychopathis Sexualis.v In the absence of scientific evidence to prove otherwise, this view became widely accepted . Eventually, many different societies perceived homosexuals including MSM as unstable and this reinforced discriminatory practices against them. v Even today, the harmful consequences of homophobia impact on MSM in many different ways. Meyers describes three negative conditions or practices common to the experience of MSM. They are: the internalisation of homophobia to the extent that they accept rejection from society; the experience of social stigmatisation; and overt discrimination and violence.v From some religious aspects, homosexuality is considered a “sin against nature” and is often seen as a link to AIDS, which is again seen as God’s punishment for a “life against nature”.v The Koran suggests punishment for those involved in homosexual acts on the basis of harm to society, and Sharia law admits no tolerance towards homosexuality.v. Predominantly Catholic Latin American countries enforce socio-cultural and legal restrictions to prohibit homosexuality. (Mckenna 1999:11) From Buddhist perspective, homosexuals are not permitted to become a monk and to practice through monk-hood the ultimate goal of attaining the highest level of enlightenment (Nirvana) (Ven Chanmyay Sayadaw Janakabhivamsa 1997:9 ). However, they are as equal as are others when following the paths taken that may lead them to attain Nirvana (Personal communication with Ven Ashin Manijoti, Theravada Buddhist Dhammodaya Monastery, Pietermaritzburg). the milieu of South Africa but practiced globally, the responsibility of BTS’s may broadly be grouped into two areas: 1) the provision of blood & its products to a given population based upon their estimated need; and 2) the assurance of blood and blood-product safety. While these may be considered only technical issues, they are not so clear-cut. Rather, they include conflicts of values and social-political agendas. Historically, BTSs have used discriminatory practices to exclude certain groups from blood donation. Independent of country or nation and in spite of advancements in blood screening science, the existent social-political order has influence on the policies and practices of BTSs such as the separation of groups into “high-risk” and ”low risk” blood donor categories. On the surface, such separations may appear to be straightforward scientific and prudential public health policy. However, when one considers the most common manner of HIV transmission - as occurring during intimate sexual acts which take place within society’s emphasis on private and individual rights but when such acts are considered by society to be ‘deviant ‘ - one might ask how the terms high- and low- risk are influenced by societal perceptions of the group in question. In other words, I suggest that societal (including political, religious, and economic) perceptions of a marginalised group’s private sexual acts influence public health policy; private acts have social consequences. Weighing the pros and cons of ethical arguments, this research report concludes that because of advanced blood transfusion science, it is morally justifiable to accept blood from all altruistic competent adult individuals volunteering to donate. Moreover, in this regard, it is the duty of BTS to safeguard the national blood supply by means other than excluding marginalised groups. To do otherwise is ethically unwarranted and constitutes unfair discrimination. In addition, through identifying that the act of blood donation is based on altruism or the “gift relationship,” the exclusion of marginalised groups from altruistic blood donation, serves only to further excludes them from an act, which is in essence humanitybinding. That being said, to achieve this end, all altruistic competent adults who wish to donate blood are obliged to understand the purpose, nature, and duties BTS’s have and adopt a renewed sense of social responsibility broadening our vision of the public good..

Integrating chivalric romance narrative with complicated instances of pre-modern exchange, Sir Gawain and the Green Knight reveals the binding power of pledging one?s trawþe and the transformative power of exchanged objects in a gift economy. By reading the Exchange of Blows and the Exchange of Winnings according to the social demands of a gift economy and of a pledged trawþe, this thesis delineates the nature of Gawain?s failure to keep his word to his host. I offer my analysis of gift theory to suggest how the poem reveals the tensions between chivalric pledges of loyalty and nascent capitalist exchanges. R. A. Shoaf demonstrates the presence in the text of an emerging commercial economy, claiming the poem ?involves the transformation of Gawain?into a consumer and?into a merchant? (3-4). While Gawain behaves as a nascent capitalist, as evident by his passive reception of the exchanged items and his lack of generosity, the other residents of Hautdesert do not. The workings of gift exchange were first postulated by social anthropologists: Marcel Mauss focused on reciprocity, while Branislaw Malinowski, and later, Annette Weiner, argued that gift exchanges operate in a circular system, with repayment not necessarily directed toward the original donor. The exchanges between Bertilak and Gawain show elements of the requisite reciprocity of Mauss? formulation, yet the presence of Morgan le Fey and Lady Bertilak complicates the exchanges and suggests an economy of circularity. While Geraldine Heng and Sheila Fischer have argued that the women of the text exhibit agency?Morgan initiates the Exchange of Blows and Lady Bertilak gives kisses and the girdle?this project argues that it is the performative presence of the trawþe between Gawain and Bertilak that creates a male bond, ultimately denying the women authority. The trawþe circumscribes Morgan?s control and allows for the exchange of Lady Bertilak as an object. Richard Firth Green addresses the late medieval tensions in the semantic definitions of ?truth,? arguing that ?in an oral society the precise words of the oath?bind the speaker and listener by virtue of an inherent performative power? (60). While Gawain functions as a self-interested capitalist, keeping the girdle for its value to save his life, the chivalric trawþe ensures that failure to adhere to the terms of the agreement results not only in contractual liability but knightly disgrace. Gawain?s failure to reciprocate the gift leads to his dishonor, for the medieval gift that is not reciprocated ?would make the recipient dependent on the donor,? endangering ?his honour, freedom and even his life? (Gurevich 180). In medieval gift systems the values of exchanged objects are determined not only by their function within a competitive game about prestige and power, but also by their identification with the donors themselves. Annette Weiner?s articulation of the inalienability of certain objects?the possibility that some objects are ?kept? despite apparent exchange?is useful in explaining the significance of the girdle in Gawain?s failure. Weiner explains that what ?makes a possession inalienable is its exclusive and cumulative identity with a particular series of owners through time? (Weiner 33). The girdle presents just such an inalienable possession; Bertilak ?keeps? the girdle despite Gawain?s physical possession of it. Gawain remains indebted to his adversary, and although he is released from his trawþe, he will continue to wear the girdle as a sign of his failure and the bond with the Green Knight. Ultimately, the court of Camelot assumes the sign of the green girdle, a subtle warning by the Gawain-poet of the inevitable spread of un-trawþe in prioritizing the values of self-interested capitalist exchange.