为什么中国地方人大的发展会存在一定程度的地方差异？本文以市级人大为例，分析了经济现代化与人大发展之间的关系。通过对全国性数据的定量分析，本文发现：首先，一个地方的经济发展水平越高，当地市级人大的立法权、监督权和代表功能的发展水平越高。第二，一个地方的第二、第三产业生产总值所占的比重越高，当地的市级人大越有可能在立法和代表方面发挥重要的作用。 / 本文还利用丰富的定性资料和统计数据分析了其中的因果机制，发现随着经济现代化水平的不断提高，市级人大有更强的动力行使立法权、监督权和发挥代表功能，以应对经济现代化所带来的各种挑战；此外，经济现代化给市级人大的发展带来了更多的财政资源和人力资源，因此也就提升了市级人大的能力。因而经济现代化能够对人大的发展起到促进的作用。 / 可以说，中国市级人大的发展是政治制度调适的一种表现形式，一方面，尽管市级人大已经逐渐摆"橡皮图章"的尴尬地位，但党对人大的领导仍然得到有效的维持；另一方面，人大的发展调整了人大与"一府两院"、人大与民众之间的关系，加强了制度化的横向分权和自下而上的问责：这可以在一定程度上减少官员违法滥权的现象，改善政府的施政绩效，提高政府的回应性，缓和社会矛盾，也就促进了社会的稳定，提高了政权的政绩合法性，因而有助于中共政权更好地适应经济现代化所带来的外部环境的变化。 / 本文的发现表明，一方面，正如许多研究所揭示的，经济现代化的过程可能会造成社会的不稳定，并且给威权政体的生存带来威胁；然而另一方面，经济现代化又会促进威权政体中的政治制度进行调适，从而在一定程度上有利于促进社会的稳定和威权统治的延续。 / 然而，需要指出的是，这种政治制度的调适具有一些难以克服的局限性，随着经济现代化水平的继续提高，政治制度调适的需求可能会进一步增加，但调适的空间可能会逐渐缩小，在这种情况下，威权统治者能否继续通过政治制度的调适来保持威权体制的生命力，则仍然是未知之数。 / Why does regional variation exist in the development of Local People’s Congresses in China? Taking Municipal People’s Congresses (MPC) as cases, this research explores the relationship between economic modernization and the development of People’s Congresses (PC). Based on quantitative analysis on national data, it reveals that, firstly, the higher the level of economic development, the higher the levels of MPCs’ development in legislation, supervision and representation; secondly, the larger the proportion of the gross product of secondary and tertiary industries in GDP, the higher the development levels of MPCs’ legislation and representation. / This research also analyzes abundant qualitative and quantitative data to reveal the causal mechanism and finds that, firstly, as the modernization of economics, MPCs have stronger motivations to promote their legislation, supervision and representation for dealing with the challenges brought by economic modernization; secondly, economic modernization also increases the finanicial and human resources owned by MPCs, which is beneficial to the development of their capacities. Thus economic modernization can make contributions to PCs’ development. / The dissertation argues that the development of Chinese MPC is the Adaptation of Political Institutions. On the one hand, though going away from the image of "rubber stamp", PCs are still under robust leadership of Chinese Communist Party (CCP). On the other hand, PCs’ development adjusts the relationship between PCs and governments, procuratorates or courts, as well as the relationship between PCs and the Public, strengthening institutional horizontal and vertical accountability. To a certain degree, the adaptation of political institutions restrains officials’ illegal behaviors and the abuse of power, improves the performance of governments, strengthens governments’ responsiveness and decreases social contradiction, thus has positive effects on social stability and regime legitimacy, which makes the CCP regime be better adapted to the changing external environment caused by economic modernization. / The main discoveries of this dissertation illustrate that, on the one hand, just as many studies have revealed, the process of economic modernization is possible to cause social instability as well as the collapse of authoritarian regimes; on the other hand, economic modernization also promotes the adaptation of political institutions in authoritarianism, which is beneficial to social stability and regime survival. / Nevertheless, some limitations still inevitably exist in such adaptation of political institutions. As economics continues to be more and more modernized, the demand for politically institutional adaptation may increase, but the remaining space for such adaptation will probably turn narrower and narrower. Under this condition, it is still unknown whether or not authoritarian rulers are able to keep utilizing the adaptation of political institutions to consolidate their regimes. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 陳川慜. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 177-188). / Abstracts also in English. / Chen Chuanmin.

by Au Yeung-kwan. / Bibliography: leaves 62-64 / Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1983

劉健明 = A study on the shift in governmental power structure in mid-T'ang (712-820 A.D.) / Lau Kin Ming. / 複本為複印本. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--香港中文大學. / Fu ben wei fu yin ben. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 734-801). / Liu Jianming = A study on the shift in governmental power structure in mid-T'ang (712-820 A.D.) / Lau Kin Ming. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / 論文提要 --- p.1 / Chapter 一 --- 導論 --- p.5 / Chapter 二 --- 玄宗朝政府組織的轉變（七一二│七五五） / Chapter （一） --- 三省制的確立及其破壞 --- p.38 / Chapter （二） --- 政府組織重建與政事堂性質的轉變 --- p.68 / Chapter （三） --- 內廷勢力的滋長 --- p.98 / Chapter （四） --- 使職的設立與計臣的拜相 --- p.123 / Chapter （五） --- 權相的出現與政制的破壞 --- p.168 / Chapter 三 --- 中唐政府的重組　（肅宗│德宗建中年間七五六│七八三） / Chapter （一） --- 肅宗奪位與宦官勢力的抬頭 --- p.207 / Chapter （二） --- 相權被削與決策權力的內移 --- p.235 / Chapter （三） --- 職事官的失職與使職代正官 --- p.259 / Chapter （四） --- 專使的任用與財政的整頓 --- p.282 / Chapter （五） --- 代宗晚年及德宗初年的改革 --- p.298 / Chapter 四 --- 中唐政府的再重組　（德宗貞元年間│憲宗七八四│八二̐ơ） / Chapter （一） --- 建中之亂後的內廷 --- p.318 / Chapter （二） --- 建中之亂後的政府 --- p.336 / Chapter （三） --- 順宗朝政爭與學士宦官權力的增長 --- p.366 / Chapter （四） --- 憲宗朝政府改組與翰林承旨的設立 --- p.395 / Chapter （五） --- 憲宗朝宦官權勢的確立 --- p.423 / Chapter 五 --- 政府權力移轉下的新局面 / Chapter （一） --- 政府權威的失墮與離心勢力的成長 --- p.457 / Chapter （二） --- 唐政權的開放與黨爭 --- p.513 / Chapter （三） --- 政府政策的轉變與民生 --- p.566 / Chapter （四） --- 新思想的發孕──尊王思想的抬頭 --- p.629 / Chapter 六 --- 結論 --- p.672 / 附表 / 表一　玄宗至憲宗朝宰相任期表 --- p.702 / 表二　唐代科舉出身宰相表 --- p.716 / 表三　安使亂前十節度使表 --- p.722 / 表四　藩鎮對中央政府的態度統計表 --- p.731 / 參考書目 --- p.734

In the last decades, government officials seem increasingly inclined to apologize for atrocities and injustices perpetuated in the past. In 2008, Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd apologized in Parliament for laws and policies that inflicted "profound grief, suffering, and loss" to Aboriginal peoples. His successor, Julia Gillard, offered government apologies in 2013 for past policies that encouraged unwed mothers to give up their babies for adoption to married couples. In 2010, Hillary Clinton, the American Secretary of State, apologized to Guatemalans for a medical experiment conducted by the US Public Health Service in the 1940s, in which Guatemalan soldiers, prisoners, and people with mental disabilities had been injected with syphilis without their consent. These are just a few examples on the growing list of official remorse: more and more, government representatives take up apology as a tool to address historical wrongdoing. And with good reason: apologies can highlight "possibilities of peaceful coexistence" and remove obstacles to more productive relations among individuals and communities (Barkan 2006, p.7). They have the potential to rehabilitate individuals and restore social harmony (Tavuchis, 1961, p. 9), and they seem to be humane and efficient devices for curtailing conflict (Cohen, 2004, p. 177).

This dissertation examines how the internal revenue legislation enacted during the American Civil War fostered a new role for government in society. The delegates to the 1787 Constitutional Convention constructed a system of fiscal federalism for the United States. The national government relied on indirect taxes, particularly customs duties, as its primary source of revenue. Concurrently, the states developed an array of unique financing strategies, including taxing citizens directly. The dire need for war funds compelled this "unperceived" government to expand beyond the constraints imposed by this antebellum fiscal structure. Through my research, I found that the taxes imposed during the war represent an attempt to cope with a financial crisis, rather than impart a particular preconceived agenda. Because Congress had depended on customs receipts as its primary source of revenue for four decades, lawmakers had few ready options for meeting the overwhelming war costs. In developing the war revenue measures, lawmakers borrowed policies and statutes from the past, rather than relying upon the "free labor ideology" that united the party. The need to meet the escalating costs of war forced lawmakers to react with more speed than deliberation. They often sacrificed their principles to provide the means to prosecute the war and reunite the nation. Once peace returned, the question of whether to "sink" the debt or shrink revenues, vexed lawmakers, and kept the government from returning to its limited role in the economy. As a result, the United States government emerged from the Civil War as a perceived power, one that touched citizens "individually" through the new internal revenue system. I concluded that the fiscal powers of the national government expanded beyond the restraints imposed throughout the antebellum era. The internal revenue measures enacted during the war played a significant role in this transformation.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--State University of Iowa. / "Notes and references": p. 217-248.

Originally presented as the author's thesis, University of Calcutta.

Thesis--Indiana University, 1961. / Reproduced from type-written copy. Bibliography: l. 351-369.

Thesis--American University. / Photocopy (positive) of typescript. Abstracted in Dissertation abstracts, v.21 (1960) no. 3, p. 552. Bibliography: leaves [193]-210.

Thesis--Columbia University. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.