This thesis aims to explore the spread of populist propaganda on social media on the case of the Dutch politician Geert Wilders and Twitter. The research questions of this thesis focus primarily on the message that is being spread by Mr. Wilders and his followers, the way his followers react to this content and the attempt to securitize Islam through populist propaganda. The thesis uses the methodology of discursive thematic interpretation to analyze the narrative that is being spread. In order to collect data for this analysis, the analytical tool NodeXL Pro has been employed. This tool made it possible to not only collect data and identify the people interacting with a theme, but also visualize their position within the network. The thesis uses datasets collected by NodeXL for the discursive thematic interpretation of data. The analysis itself is divided into different sections, first analyzing the content shared by Geert Wilders and identifying the themes and reconstructing the narrative. Next, the analysis moves on to more specific subsections, such as important hashtags or examples of active users from Wilders' proximity. NodeXL was also helpful in modelling the networks and discovering the echo chambers formed around Geert Wilders.

近年來許多歐洲國家的極右派政黨打著反移民與反歐洲整合之主張，受到國內民眾的支持度越來越高。然而也有些國家如荷蘭的極右派政黨之表現卻正好相反，其支持率於2010年達到高峰後便逐年下降。本論文旨在探討荷蘭極右派政黨發展之歷史、荷蘭移民政策在「自由黨」於2006年創黨前後是否發生轉變，及其在創黨後至2014年年底為止中三次國會大選中所取得之成果，且勝選後又如何依其政見主導荷蘭移民政策之產出。 除了參考許多相關學術文獻，本論文亦以歷史研究途徑與文獻分析法對荷蘭近三次國會選舉結果與移民政策法規進行研究。研究結果顯示，荷蘭移民融合政策在自由黨成立前後之方向並無太大差異，其主要轉變在1980年代以後便開始逐漸醞釀，由起初對多元主義之嘗試走向90年代強調社會參與的整合主義，並在2000年後開始實施強調荷蘭單一國族認同與主流價值觀的同化主義至今。然而在自由黨於2010年成為國會第三大黨後，其藉由支持少數聯合內閣之方式，將其反移民之理念體現在2010年的政黨協議中，使移民接納政策在依親移民、申請獨立居留與享有社會福利的等待期、對非法居留外國人之待遇，以及境外移民整合考試等規定均漸趨嚴格。 / With their political ideologies strongly against immigrants and further integration of European Union, many far-right parties across Europe have been gaining more supports than ever in recent years, while the electoral outcomes for some far-right parties appear to be totally opposite. For instance, Party for Freedom (Partij voor de Vrijheid, PVV) in the Netherlands only reached its peak of political success in 2010, after which less and less supports from the public have been shown. To know better of such an unusual circumstance, not only the development of the far-right parties in the Netherlands will be discussed, this thesis also aims to probe into the difference of Dutch migration policy before and after PVV was founded, its election results in three times of general election until the end of 2014, and how it once successfully influenced the making of Dutch migration policy. In addition to taking many related literatures into account, in this thesis the results of the recent three times of general election, migration policy, migration law and regulations in the Netherlands are also being analyzed with historical approach and document analysis. The finding shows that there has been no major changes to Dutch integration policy before and after PVV was founded, for they already started to change gradually from multiculturalism in 1980s to integrationism in 1990s, and ended in assimilationism in 2000s as of today. Futhermore, after PVV became the third biggest party in 2010, it also obtained the power to influence the making of Dutch migration policy by supporting the formation of minor coalition government of VVD and CDA, followed by writing its ideologies against immigrants and the EU in the coalition agreement. With such a power, PVV successfully tightened the law and regulations for immigrants, such as imposing stricter qualification for family reunion, harder cultural integration exam to pass, and longer period to enjoy social welfare and political rights.

Islamophobia and New Populism in Contemporary Western Europe: France and the Netherlands Bc. Martina Kočařová The Master thesis Islamophobia and New Populism in Contemporary Western Europe: France and the Netherlands explores current transformations of populism in contemporary Western Europe. The main objectives of the thesis are following: First, to verify a hypothesis implying that islamophobia has become a new feature of the contemporary populism, which has been consequently changing in terms of its content. Thus, it can hardly be classified as another form of the 'far right' politics. In this context, one may observe its shift towards the centre of the political party system. Second, based on the above outlined assumption, we aim to study whether the populist parties can be considered 'populist' in spite of the new features they have recently adopted. The theoretical framework of our research refers to Paul Taggart's conceptualisation of populism applying it on the cases of the French National Front under the lead of Marine Le Pen and the Dutch Party for Freedom and his leader Geert Wilders.