This thesis analyzes the Justice and Development Party government

In thesis, the way wended by European Union immigration policy is addressed under the light of historical background. Essentially, the arguments regarding immigration and free movement aroused and gained momentum in EU in 1980s. During 1990s, the justice and home affairs subjects obtained a central point among EU policies abruptly. However, despite all the efforts since then, it is still early to say that there emerges a uniform European immigration policy. In fact, it is quite hard to reach such a common policy, due to the unique structural requirements, different priorities and expectations of the Member States. It is examined in dissertation then why the Member States&rsquo / policymakers still insist on a common EU immigration policy in spite of this. The researcher asserts that some aspects of the common EU immigration policy serve as a new migration control mechanism in order to be able to take additional measures limiting third country nationals&rsquo / access to the rights of EU citizens by transferring restrictive national approaches and legislation into a supranational venue. It is also scrutinized in thesis in what ways Turkish citizens composing considerable population within Community borders and Turkey as a candidate state conducting negotiations on the membership process are affected from these efforts for a common EU immigration policy. It is examined whether this process generate any new breaking point in Turkish-EU relations or not.

This research aimed to put forth changes and continuities in the formation of the official history and its dissemination through education, with particular emphasis to history courses in high schools during the Early Republican Era with reference to the ministerial decisions, parliamentary discussions, history textbooks and also history and educational congresses held during Atat&uuml / rk and In&ouml / n&uuml / eras. 1930s for the Turkish Republic was a time span when the core principles of the regime were formulized to ensure that they were publicly comprehended and posesed. Correspondingly, formal and informal educational institutions were established for the dissemination of these principles, i. e. official ideology. Among them, Turkish History Association played an important role in formulation of official history which was one of the major means to install Turkish identity and a collective memory to the nation. In this respect, history courses and especially textbooks served instilling Republican understanding of history. The presidency of Ismet In&ouml / n&uuml / were the years when the regime was consolidated and intoleration to the opposing views was decreased. This also affected the official perception of history, by dissolving the clear break from the recent past and reconciling it with the modernization process of Ottoman-Turkish history while paying attention to the ccontinuities.

The general purpose of this thesis is to provide a gendered analysis of the ways in which States use their power to facilitate and promote accumulation, specifically primitive accumulation. I will seek to demonstrate in this study that women, classed and racialised, and especially those migrating within the neo-liberal global political economy are exploited not only through the classical alienation of their labour, but from the application of the additional extra-economic power of patriarchy and the tools that provides to states, and typically male owning classes. Women&rsquo / s position in patriarchal society and patriarchal capitalism may transform their experiences with capital and the state into a relationship of accumulation by dispossession rather than having their labour alienated and exploited under typical expanded reproduction. States use the constructions of women as subordinate under patriarchy, as well as others about migrant labour, or about the &lsquo / aberrant&rsquo / nature of sex work, to justify the use of women&rsquo / s bodies in the sex trade in a way that promotes the primitive accumulation, or accumulation by dispossession of surplus value from their labour and bodies. This study will use the Turkish Republic of northern Cyprus as an example to highlight the arguments made about the ability of a patriarchal state in collusion with capital, to use the extra controls afforded by patriarchy to primitively accumulate wealth from women, and to reproduce that ability on a continuous scale.

This thesis emphasizes the role of being an information society in countries&rsquo / development perspective / furthermore aims to study the economic, social and structural dimensions of information society related policies with the case studies of Turkey and South Korea. Although in 1950s Turkey and South Korea had similar characteristics in terms of basic economic and social indicators, Turkey has lagged behind in South Korea in terms of development perspective and information society parameters. In addition, information society levels of Turkey and South Korea are measured and compared by ICT development index. Information society policies of South Korea and Turkey are analyzed in the scope of national science and technology policies separately. In theoretical perspective, transforming to information society is analyzed on the basis of &ldquo / Deployment policies in the field of ICT&rdquo / and &ldquo / Two models of network policy formation&rdquo / . The findings of the study indicate that, although hegemonic ruler organizations determine science and technology and transforming to information society related policies, government should not apply these policies without considering their internal dynamics. These policies should be re-evaluated and modified in the scope of national advantages and priorities. In addition, this study aims to indicate the importance of the role of science and technology policies on being an information society for 21st century.

This thesis seeks to depict the German stance towards European security in the post-Cold War era. It attempts to portray the continuity and change in Germany&rsquo / s policies towards the maintenance of European security first, by specifying the differences between the Cold War and the post-Cold War era, and second, within the years after the reunification of the two German states. This is examined in the light of the main developments in the international level, the European Union (EU) level and the German domestic level. These include on the international level the War in Kosovo, the Afghanistan intervention and the Iraq War / on the European Union level the EU treaties up until the Treaty of Lisbon and the developments on the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) / and lastly on the German domestic level the 1994 and 2006 Wei&szlig / buch (White Paper), which are official documents published by the German Ministry of Defence. This thesis indicates the change in Germany&rsquo / s European security perception after the reunification towards a new and different sort of assertiveness. It is argued that this assertiveness invigorates within a European Germany.

This thesis rethinks the security dilemma within the context of the Cyprus problem. It analyzes and problematizes the established political discourses and societal insecurities in Cyprus. It basically contends that the Cyprus problem should be reconceptualized from a critical security perspective, utilizing the fatalist, mitigator and transcender logics of insecurity. In that regard, it advances the idea that the security paradox in Cyprus should be rethought with the aim of transcending it through reconciliation and trust-building. The thesis takes attention to the scope of human agency, both at the state and human society levels, in the processes of reconciliation and trust-building, and concludes that these processes are key in transforming the two communities in the island into a post-national and pluralistic community of Cyprus.

Brazil was confronted with high inflation while implementing neoliberal economic policies which were imposed as a panacea to the debt crisis during the process of transition to democracy since 1985. In this context, implementation of structural adjustment and stabilization programs further deteriorated its already unequal distribution of income and exposed the poor to devastating effects of the intermittent crises which were in turn the result of macro-economic policies pursued. Conditional cash transfers which were started to be made in 1995 to extremely poor people against the effects of crises by a few local governments were subsequently expanded in terms of its scope and geography. From 2004 onwards, it was begun to be implemented in the whole country under the title of Bolsa Familia, by President Lula, PT (Labor Party) leader who came to power after the 2002 elections. The program had two objectives: 1. Immediate relief of poverty through the transfer of income, 2. To get people out of poverty and to prevent intergenerational transmission of poverty through conditionalities based on education and health services. Positive impacts were observed in relation to the achievement of the first goal / but the outcomes of the studies on the second goal are not promising. So, the aim of this thesis is to investigate whether the second goal is realizable by examining these studies and their outcomes with reference to the causes of poverty / and to determine the relationship between our results and structural limitations of the program.

This thesis seeks to answer the question whether economic and social rights have the same status with civil and political rights under the human rights regime of the Council of Europe. To this end, the thesis examines the assumptions with regard to the nature of economic and social rights, on the one hand, and civil and political rights, on the other. Second, it seeks to find out whether the nature of economic and social rights is different from that of civil and political rights. Third, it examines how the protection of and approach to the two sets of rights developed in the Council of Europe. Finally, it assesses the contemporary protection of economic and social rights in the Council of Europe in comparison to protection of civil and political rights.

This thesis analyses ATAKA&rsquo / s rise as a prominent actor in Bulgarian politics and to what extent this success is sustainable. The first section seeks the roots of authoritarianism in Bulgaria. The following section focuses on the restructuring and transformation in Bulgaria following the end of the Communist Party rule. The last section examines the reproduction of authoritarianism Bulgaria which is manifested through the rise of ATAKA in the last few years. Main argument of the thesis is that while the party&rsquo / s success has been rather fast and unexpected in the beginning, it was a result of the recreation of authoritarianism that has been present in the Bulgarian history and manifested itself through ATAKA and its xenophobic-racist rhetoric since 2005. While the sustainability of ATAKA&rsquo / s success in the long-term is in question considering its decline in the 2009 parliamentary elections, there is always the possibility of the authoritarianism resurfacing through different mediums, if not through ATAKA.