Thesis--Bonn. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 411-419) and index.

Habitationsschrift--Marburg, 1965/66. / Bibliography: v. 1, p. [287]-300.

Thesis--Freie Universität Berlin. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 870-891).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Berkeley, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 289-298).

No description available.

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Thesis (doctoral)--Universität zu Köln. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 425-463).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1982. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY. / Vita. / Bibliography: leaves 398-409. / by James Allen Cooney. / Ph.D.

M.A. / Although the Free Democratic Party's (FDP) best performance at the polls was 12,8% of the votes in 1961, the party has played a far more significant role in postwar German politics than its electoral strength would suggest. Due to its participation as junior partner in coalitions with the Christian Democratic Union (1949-1956, 1961- 966) and the Social Democratic Party (1969 to present), the FOP has been represented in the Federal German Government longer than either the CDU or SPD. As it is exceptional for a single party to gain an overall majority in German politics, the two major parties are dependent on the FDP, as the only other party represented in the Bundestag, for the formation of a coalition government. Thus, in a certain sense, the FDP "determines" which of the major parties is to form the government. The purpose of this study is to analyse the development of the FDP from 1945 to the present, whilst emphasizing variations in the party's political role. To provide a sufficient background, the development of German liberalism from the nineteenth century up to 1945 has also been taken into consideration. The German liberal movement has, since Bismarckian times, been divided into two rival sections, namely "national liberalism" (right wing) and "progressive liberalism" (left wing). After the Second World War it seemed that for the first time in nearly a century both wings were to be united in one political structure namely the FDP. It seemed as if the rapid decline of' Liberalism since the turn of the century had at last been checked, factionalism eliminated and greater unity achieved. Factional rivalries, however, reappeared and caused serious strains on the FDP's internal unity and political efficiency. Basically it was a struggle to achieve an exact position for the FDP in the political spectrum: right of the CDU by uniting all nationalistic forces or as a middle party between the CDU and SPD. The first alternative ruled out the possibility of a coalition with the SPD, while the second kept...

In the years following the end of the Second World War, the Federal Republic of Germany experienced a "golden age" of economic upturn. Due to the labor shortage in the aftermath of war and the division of Germany, West Germany initially looked to its eastern counterpart, the German Democratic Republic, to meet its labor needs in the immediate postwar years. Once East Germany tightened its border control, the Federal Republic of Germany extended bilateral agreements to Southern Mediterranean countries to meet the nation's labor needs. Italy was the first official nation to have a bilateral work agreement with West Germany in 1955, yet by the end of the labor program, the greatest population of "guest workers" in West Germany were Turkish nationals. The West German public initially heralded the arrival of guest workers as a boon, but by the program's end in November of 1973, the West German press reviled the Turkish migrant worker as they gradually moved out of isolated company employee barracks into single apartments, often with families or spouses joining them from Turkey. In spite of a lack of rights on West German soil, the year of 1973 was witness to a swell in migrant political activity, in the form of unsanctioned labor strikes. Utilizing two of these strikes, this thesis will compare the strategies, support, opposition, and success of the Ford Cologne (Ford Köln-Niehl) Factory strike and the Pierburg factory strike in Neuss. In both instances, the degree of support by ethnic German coworkers and factory management influenced the success of the strike. Additionally, this analysis will demonstrate that gender, in concert with nationality, negatively affected the results of the Ford Cologne Strike by way of public reception, while the negotiation of the Pierburg strike through a gendered lens aided woman migrant workers in the cooperation of factory management, the worker's council, union, and the West German public. Regardless of the strikes' outcomes, the significance of the labor strikes of 1973 is emblematic of both the lack of human rights afforded migrant workers in West Germany at the time and the persistent determination of blue-collar migrant workers to claim space for themselves and their families.