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As a result of recent events, both domestic and international, the Mexican financial markets are now open to foreign investment. It was expected that the entry of investors and capital from abroad would aid in the strengthening of domestic intermediaries and would bolster the efficiency and depth of the markets in Mexico. In order to allow the entry of foreign investments, substantial amendments and additions to financial regulations have taken place within a relatively short period of time. / Investment in domestic institutions is now open to foreign participants, irrespective of the country of origin. However, access to the Mexican markets through wholly owned subsidiaries is limited to investors from countries that have executed financial treaties with Mexico. This is the case of investors from the NAFTA countries. / A number of reputable intermediaries worldwide have entered the Mexican markets. Nevertheless, the extent of the commitment to Mexican investments is limited by political, economical and legal concerns. It is expected that policies towards more open financial markets will continue to shape the actions of the Mexican government in the future.

Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is a key element in achieving progress. In a world with increasing competition for capital, it is mandatory for countries to develop different mechanisms to attract FDI. Mexico is an example of a developing country that in recent years has greatly benefited from FDI. This trend results from this country's development of a number of mechanisms on both the domestic and the international scene promoting this type of investment. Along with the investment openings being fostered on the domestic scene, Mexico has been conducting international efforts to reach FDI objectives. It has entered into a number of Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) as well as Bilateral and Regional Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). The most important goals achieved by this country encouraging the reception of FDI are the preferential trade agreements signed with the two biggest markets in the world, North America and the European Union. Mexico's participation in the WTO represents one of its efforts to establish lateral ties to achieve its FDI objectives. The fact that there is a relationship between trade and investment has been established.

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / Public-private partnerships to provide services are a relatively new policy initiative in Mexico, and have shown contrasting results. This research has endeavored to analyze the possible determinants behind the failure, or the success, of the choice of a specific mode of service provision. By using contracting literature based on transaction costs, and looking specifically at the case of AGSAL, a joint venture established between Saltillo, a northern Mexican city, and INTERAGBAR, a private investor, for the provision of water, this study showed that characteristics of the transaction at stake. More specifically, it showed that specificity of the investments that support a given transaction, the unanticipated changes in circumstances surrounding an exchange, either from physical assets or its ownership rights, and the frequency and duration with which parties engage in the transaction. / South Africa

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<p>Public-private partnerships to provide services are a relatively new policy initiative in Mexico, and have shown contrasting results. This research has endeavored to analyze the possible determinants behind the failure, or the success, of the choice of a specific mode of service provision. By using contracting literature based on transaction costs, and looking specifically at the case of AGSAL, a joint venture established between Saltillo, a northern Mexican city, and INTERAGBAR, a private investor, for the provision of water, this study showed that characteristics of the transaction at stake. More specifically, it showed that specificity of the investments that support a given transaction, the unanticipated changes in circumstances surrounding an exchange, either from physical assets or its ownership rights, and the frequency and duration with which parties engage in the transaction.</p>

<p>Public-private partnerships to provide services are a relatively new policy initiative in Mexico, and have shown contrasting results. This research has endeavored to analyze the possible determinants behind the failure, or the success, of the choice of a specific mode of service provision. By using contracting literature based on transaction costs, and looking specifically at the case of AGSAL, a joint venture established between Saltillo, a northern Mexican city, and INTERAGBAR, a private investor, for the provision of water, this study showed that characteristics of the transaction at stake. More specifically, it showed that specificity of the investments that support a given transaction, the unanticipated changes in circumstances surrounding an exchange, either from physical assets or its ownership rights, and the frequency and duration with which parties engage in the transaction.</p>

This study examines the groundwater controversy in U.S.-Mexican relations and the role domestic political structures are likely to play in shaping a bilateral agreement apportioning transboundary groundwater. The study shows that waterpolicy making in the United States takes a distributive form while policy making in Mexico resembles a mobilization style of policy formation. It is argued that these dissimilar national water policy systems affect the way both nations engage the other in bilateral water disputes and are relvant to ascertaining the prospects for resolving the groundwater controversy. The study surveys the relevant hydrological, historical and economic context bearing on the groundwater dispute, then examines the moles of domestic policy making in each country. It follows with an analysis of how national differences in policy making are witnessed in previous bilateral water conflicts. Water policy patterns pertaining to the United States and Mexico respectively strongly influence the making of foreing policy in this sogere. Domestic policy making affects the manner of politization, objectives sought by each nation, and the diplomatic style seen in the adjustment of bilateral water agreements. Patterns seen in previous water conflicts, it is suggested, may obtain in the groundwater case. Nevertheless, the groundwater controversy is substantially different from earlier surface water disputs. Hydrological variation between problem situations is apt to fragment political interests in the United States. Nor is there a firm basis for approaching a settlement in international law. These conditions frustrate extrapolation of past political patterns to the groundwater situation. The study concludes analyzing various methods for resolving the groundwater conflict in light of political limitations. Of these alternatives, a case by case, ad hoc approach to settling the groundwater conflict is indicated as the most feasible approach. Attainment of a fully comprehensive groundwater treaty as now envisioned by the International Boundary and Water Commission (IBWC), is not likely to be achieved. However, formal comprehensiveness can be had by conferring on IBWC comprehensive authority to seek case by case solutions.

Grounded in the geographies of Chiapas, Mexico, the dissertation maps a cartography of Zapatista indigenous resistance practices and charts the production of decolonial political subjectivities in an era of neoliberal governance and low intensity conflict. It analyzes the relationship between local cultural political expressions of indigenous autonomy, global capitalist interests and neoliberal rationalities of government after more than decade of Zapatista struggle. Since 1996, Zapatista indigenous Mayan communities have engaged in the creation of alternative education, health, agricultural production, justice, and governing bodies as part of the daily practices of autonomy. The dissertation demonstrates that the practices of Zapatista indigenous autonomy reflect current shifts in neoliberal state governing logics, yet it is in this very terrain where key ruptures and destabilizing practices emerge. The dissertation focuses on the recolonization aspects of neoliberal rationalities of government in their particular Latin American post Cold War, post populist manifestations. I argue that in Mexico's indigenous regions, the shift towards the privatization of state social services, the decentralization of state governing techniques and the transformation of state social programs towards an emphasis on greater self-management occurs in a complex relationship to mechanisms of low intensity conflict. Their multiple articulations effect the reproduction of social and biological life in sites, which are themselves terrains of bio-political contention: racialized women's bodies and feminized domestic reproductive and care taking roles; the relationship between governing bodies and that governed; land reform as linked to governability and democracy; and the production of the indigenous subject in a multicultural era. In each of these arenas, the dissertation charts a decolonial cartography drawn by the following cultural political practices: the construction of genealogies of social memories of struggle, a governing relationship established through mandar obedeciendo, land redistribution through zapatista agrarian reform, pedagogical collective selfreflection in women’s collective work, and the formation of political identities of transformation. Finally, the dissertation discusses the possibilities and challenges for engaging in feminist decolonizing dialogic research, specifically by analyzing how Zapatista members critiqued the politics of fieldwork and adopted the genres of the testimony and the popular education inspired workshop as potential decolonizing methodologies. / text