Thesis (doctoral)--Bonn. / "Thematisches Verzeichnis": p. 131-264. Includes bibliographical references (p. 701-722).

If Italy officially administrates Libya in 1912, it does not succeed in submitting the whole population. The coming to power of B. Mussolini in 1922 has the country enter in a new colonial era. Firmly decided to dominate the Libyan territory, he wages violent campaigns in the north-west region (Tripolitania) and in the south-west (Fezzan). In 1929, he engages the country in a new campaign to submit the last region in resistance: Cyrenaica. Unable to subdue the resistance despite a brutal policy, the Italians decide in 1930 to create concentration camps to confine tens of thousands of the inhabitants of the region (submitted or in resistance) and to succeed in establishing its power. The thesis falls within the post-colonial history movement and resorts to a transimperial approach in order to analyse the French gaze (by which we understand the state’s institutions and public opinion) on those camps. In those years of high tensions in the North African region, but also of European and Franco-French preoccupations, what was the French discourse on the violent colonial policy of the rival Italian power? The French civilizational ideology of the 1930s, and its own concentrational past, are not the only ways to understand the press and state silences. France’s interest is also in maintaining cordial relations with Italy, and in the weakening, if not, the annihilation of its old Saharan enemy: the Sanusiyya. The mystic brotherhood to which the majority of the interned are affiliated, embodies a common enemy for the two empires. Moreover, the migrations that ensue from the implementation of the concentration camps are profitable, even if concerning, for the French colonial power. The press and state archives therefore allow for very few spaces of denunciation and only in the context of the instrumentalization of the Italian policy to the benefit of France. / Si l’Italie prend officiellement la tête de l’administration libyenne en 1912, elle ne parvient pas en réalité à soumettre l’intégralité de la population. L’arrivée au pouvoir de B. Mussolini en 1922 fait entrer l’empire italien dans une nouvelle ère coloniale. Bien décidé à maîtriser le territoire libyen, il engage des campagnes violentes dans les régions du nord-ouest (Tripolitaine) et du sud-ouest (Fezzan). C’est alors qu’en 1929, il engage le pays dans une campagne destinée à soumettre la dernière région encore en résistance : la Cyrénaïque. Incapables de soumettre la résistance malgré une politique violente, les Italiens décident en 1930 de mettre en place des camps de concentration afin d’y entasser les milliers d’habitants de la région (soumis ou résistants) et de parvenir à asseoir leur pouvoir. Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’inscrit dans l’histoire postcoloniale et souhaite analyser dans une approche transimpériale, le regard que les Français - entendus comme les autorités et l’opinion publique - ont pu porter sur l’entreprise concentrationnaire. Dans ces années de fortes tensions franco-italiennes dans la région nord-africaine, mais également de préoccupations à l’échelle européenne ou purement franco-française, quel a été le discours de l’Empire français, à l’égard de la politique coloniale violente de la puissance coloniale rivale italienne ? L’idéologie civilisatrice de la France des années 1930, et son propre passé concentrationnaire ne sont pas les seuls facteurs d’explication du silence des autorités et de la presse. La France trouve en effet son intérêt à maintenir des relations cordiales avec l’Italie, et à l’affaiblissement, voire, à l’anéantissement de sa vieille ennemie saharienne, la Sanusiyya. La confrérie mystique à laquelle sont affiliés une large majorité des nomades et semi nomades internés dans les camps, incarne un ennemi commun des deux empires coloniaux. Par ailleurs, les migrations qu’induisent la mise en place des camps sont profitables, bien qu’alarmantes, pour les pouvoirs publics. Les archives de presse et d’État laissent donc une maigre place à la dénonciation qui n’intervient souvent que dans le cadre d’une instrumentalisation au profit de l’Empire français.

Nuovi dati e considerazioni sulla biografia e gli scritti di Carlo Bianconi che emergono principalmente dallo spoglio di materiale archivistico inedito. Con questo studio viene ad essere chiarita la fase formativa di Bianconi cresciuto in una casa di bibliofili e collezionisti d’arte. Aggiornato sulle elaborazioni teoriche di Winckelmann e Mengs entrambi conosciuti personalmente, lo vedono progressivamente avvicinarsi e aderire ai modi del classicismo, mediato anche dal rapporto instaurato con Francesco Algarotti, a cui viene in questa sede ridato valore. Uno spiraglio viene aperto sul biennio trascorso a Roma, la frequentazione del cardinale Albani e sul viaggio a Napoli con importanti risvolti per la sua maturazione intellettuale. Seguono i motivi della scelta di Bianconi a segretario dell’Accademia di Brera, le sue iniziative a livello didattico e il rapporto con Carlo di Firmian. Vengono, di volta in volta ricordati i suoi numerosi corrispondenti, la sua produzione figurativa e soprattutto commentati i suoi scritti editi (guide di Bologna e Milano) e inediti (Vitruvio, scritti teorici sull’origine dell’architettura e dell’incisione, orazioni) e riconsiderata la collaborazione all’Enciclopedia Metodica di Pietro Zani. Artista, collezionista, scrittore d’arte e insegnante, immerso in una temperie di matrice razionalista è precoce assertore dei dettami del nuovo gusto per il classico. / New information and analysis about Carlo Bianconi’s biography and writings mainly appear from unpublished archival material bare. This work allows to clarify the education of Bianconi, who grew up in a family of bibliophiles and art collectors. He kept abreast of theoretical development of Winckelmann and Mengs, who personally knew and he gradually moved closer and accepted the models of the classicism that was also mediated by the relationship established with Francesco Algarotti, who is here reevaluate. Regarding his two-year period spent in Rome, the relationship with the Cardinal Albani and moreover his trip to Naples, a glimmer is opened, with important implications for his intellectual maturity. Furthermore, there are: the reason regarding the choice of Bianconi as Secretary of the Academy of Brera, his educational initiatives and the relationship with Carlo di Firmian. From time to time, his many correspondents, his figurative works of art and especially his published writings were commented (for example the guide of Bologna and Milan) and his unpublished writings (such as Vitruvius, theoretical writings on the origin of architecture and engraving, orations) are remembered and also the collaboration with the Enciclopedia Metodica of Pietro Zani is reconsidered. Artist, collector, art writer and teacher, immersed in a climate of a Rationalism, he is a early supporter of the new taste for the classic.