This dissertation provides an overall interpretation of the 'Bellum Civile' based on the examination of an aspect completely neglected by previous scholarship: Lucan's literary adaptation of the cosmological dialectic of Love and Strife. According to a reading that has found favor over the last three decades, the poem is an unconventional epic that does not conform to Aristotelian norms: in order to portray his vision of cosmic dissolution, Lucan composes a poem characterized by fragmentation and disorder, lacking a conventional teleology, and whose narrative flow is constantly delayed. This study challenges such interpretation by illustrating that although Lucan invokes imagery of cosmic dissolution, he does so without altogether obliterating epic norms; rather, the 'Bellum Civile' transforms them from within in order to accomplish its purpose: namely, condemnation of the establishment of the Principate and the Julio-Claudian dynasty. Greek and Roman thought traditionally construes Love and Strife as two contrasting forces that govern the universe: Love is constructive in its creative function, whereas Strife is deadly and, therefore, destructive; however, there is also a destructive form of Love, which causes distress and grief, and a constructive form of Strife, which urges individuals to improve the condition of humankind. In Greek and Latin epic these four forces are normally in balance: although war is the main theme of the genre, love is placed side by side with it, so as to hint at a regeneration after the destruction; and famous examples of destructive romances are counterbalanced by equally renowned cases of constructive conflicts. Vergil places himself within this tradition by writing an epic in which Love and Strife–in both their positive and negative instantiations–are perfectly balanced. In particular, in the 'Aeneid' the action of destructive forces is usually followed by that of constructive forces. This suits the political purpose of the poem, which celebrates the founding of Rome, and its re-founding thanks to Augustus. Lucan reverses this structure. He strategically removes constructive Love and Strife from the 'Bellum Civile', and increases the role of their destructive counterparts, in order to stage the irreversible annihilation and "de-founding" of Rome that follows the victory of Caesar and the consequent fall of the Republic. The main characters of the poem, in fact, are involved in ruinous romances; and all the elements that could mitigate the destructive force of Strife, such as 'virtus' and 'clementia', are deliberately neglected or perverted. Paradoxically, the only form of Love that finds space in the poem is the utterly destructive Love for Strife. Lucan, in fact, reverses the elegiac notion of 'militia amoris', and turns it into the more threatening 'amor militiae': instead of fighting for love, as the elegiac characters do, the epic characters of the 'Bellum Civile' love fighting; and if elegy describes love affairs as warfare, and lovers as soldiers, Lucan describes warfare as love affairs, and soldiers as lovers. This scheme is so groundbreaking that Lucan's epic successors inevitably have to deal with it, either to accept it, as Statius does, or to reject it and restore a more traditional–and Vergilian, so to speak–narrative structure, as Valerius Flaccus and Silius Italicus do. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Classics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Spring Semester 2017. / February 28, 2017. / Bellum Civile, Love, Lucan, Strife / Includes bibliographical references. / Tim Stover, Professor Directing Dissertation; David Levenson, University Representative; Laurel Fulkerson, Committee Member; Francis Cairns, Committee Member.

My dissertation is about the location of Hesiod's poetics in the spaces of the farm. One of my main assertions is that the farm consists of three spaces, those of cultivated, grazed, and wild nature. I argue that the poet and farmer exploit and fortify these productive zones in analogous ways. The farm is revealed to be a "poetic landscape" insofar as the processes of poetry, by their alignment with the georgic functions, are bound up in the farm's three spaces. Scholars in this area have focused either on the analogies between poetry and farming or on the space of the farm but they have not combined these two investigations (Chapter One). My thesis breaks new ground by converging these avenues of research. With the notion of the three spaces I make another contribution to scholarship by revealing in Hesiod's understanding of the farm a complexity that has gone unrecognized in previous related studies. Chapter Two further advances research by the explication of an ancient foundation for the three-fold aspect of the farm, namely a traditional view of the history of food acquisition, which is evident in the writings of Varro (De re rustica) and Dicaearchus (Bios Hellados, attested in Porphyry's De abstinentia ab esu animalium). In the third and fourth chapters, on the Theogony proem, I argue that the shepherd-farmer's and poet's analogous use of certain resources of Mt. Helicon situates Hesiod's poetics in the wild and grazed spaces of the farm. Part of my analysis establishes that poetry for Hesiod is a water-based pharmakon which heals the audience. Chapter Five, on the first half of the Works and Days, examines the role of justice and festivals in the poetry-farming analogies, which, in this case, involve all three spaces of the farm. In the sixth and final chapter, which addresses the agricultural calendar of the Works and Days, I refocus attention on water, particularly dew, as poetry's healing ingredient, but now one that binds the poetic process to the farm's cultivated space. My emphasis on water in the framework of the thesis makes another contribution to the relevant scholarship. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Classics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Fall Semester 2016. / December 9, 2016. / agriculture, analogy, farm, Hesiod, poetry, space / Includes bibliographical references. / Francis Cairns, Professor Directing Dissertation; Dennis Moore, University Representative; Laurel Fulkerson, Committee Member; Svetoslava Slaveva-Griffin, Committee Member.

This dissertation explores the nature and significance of fear in the works of Seneca the Younger. While a variety of emotions have already been examined within the writings of this author, fear remains largely neglected despite its prevalence and fundamental nature. This study contributes to work being done on themes shared across Seneca’s entire literary output, on the relevance of Stoicism to Seneca’s tragedies, and on emotions in the ancient world, especially within the writings of this extremely pertinent author. The project begins with the compilation of a theoretical De metu, based loosely on Seneca’s De ira, to show that a detailed understanding of Seneca’s conception of fear can be gleaned through careful analysis of material from across his corpus. Drawing on the over 1,200 references to fear from throughout Seneca’s corpus, this De metu lays out Seneca’s definition of fear and the causes, effects, and potential therapies he envisions for it. A De metu also allows for a closer comparison of anger and fear, two emotions that Seneca views as similar in both nature and in intensity. This fuller understanding of fear can then be applied to Seneca’s tragedies to see how his ideas of fear are transformed by the tragedic medium. The rest of the project deals with fear within the tragedies on both thematic and narrative levels. The first of these chapters argues that the nature of fear as presented in Seneca’s philosophical works has been adapted for thematic use within various elements of the tragedies. At some points the tragedies reflect his philosophical thinking, reinforcing the philosopher’s understanding of the emotion. More often, however, fear’s nature is distorted or embellished for literary effect, derailing the audience’s expectations of how this emotion functions. Seneca is willing to exceed or vary the nature of fear established in his philosophical works in order to create stronger dramatic effects and follow the conventions of this other genre. Some of the broader thematic uses of fear considered include how fear is used to create suspense, spectacle, and characterization; the use of therapy to combat fear; and what the common sources of fear are, with special focus on the fear of death and the afterlife. Evidence for these thematic uses of fear is drawn from all of Seneca’s tragedies, revealing the widespread relevance of this emotion. The final chapter argues that fear plays a significant role in shaping the situations of several main figures of Seneca’s plays; without a full understanding of fear, the nuance of Seneca’s commentary on these characters’ flaws, misfortunes, and ruling styles is incomplete. The presence of fear in Oedipus has already been noted in scholarship, yet a better understanding of Seneca’s ideal therapies for fear and the dangers fear poses shed more light on this play. In Thyestes, special attention must be paid to the emotions of Atreus and Thyestes: each brother experiences both fear and its related passion anger, and alternate between the two over the course of their plotting. Finally, Troades offers further insight into Seneca’s understanding of the relationship of fear and hope. Andromache and Hecuba endure similar circumstances, but while Hecuba experiences merely resignation, the survival of Andromache’s son drives her to hope and thus also to fear. Fear therefore plays a key role in the development of each of these plays. Ultimately, it is possible to determine not only how Seneca defines the nature of fear, but also to what extent and in what ways fear in the tragedies draws upon Seneca’s philosophy. Fear provides Seneca with a vital tool for creating successful and meaningful tragedies. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Classics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Spring Semester 2019. / March 12, 2019. / emotions, fear, Seneca, Stoicism, tragedy / Includes bibliographical references. / Tim Stover, Professor Directing Dissertation; Jamie Fumo, University Representative; Laurel Fulkerson, Committee Member; Erika Weiberg, Committee Member.

This thesis uses the early Latin inscriptions of Sardinia to investigate aspects of culture contact and local responses to new ideas of inscribing on stone after the Roman take-over of Sardinia. Previous traditions may also have had an impact on the inscriptions of the Roman era; in this case, the Nuragic and Punic periods which preceded the Roman conquest. The Latin inscriptions are used to examine the results of the cultural encounters between existing populations and incomers and to see whether the incorporation of previous traditions has led to expressions of a more ‘indigenous’ or even a ‘Romano-Sardo’ identity. Epigraphic material is used typically only as a textual source. Naturally there are some exceptions, such as inscriptions with high quality relief sculpture which have been used to investigate perceived identities or the portrayal of certain aspects of life. However, the majority of inscriptions do not fall into this category and the iconographic aspects of these stones are often very subtle. Therefore, the inscriptions studied in this thesis are treated as material culture and their every detail is considered. To this end the concept of the chaîne opératoire is examined and the various stages in the production of epigraphic material are set out. This thesis further considers to what extent inscriptions can be considered as an aspect of Romanisation and postcolonial theory provides the overarching framework with which culture contact is examined. This concept allows this process to be viewed as a fluid two-way interaction, rather than the static imposition of culture by a dominant power. It also permits the contemplation of such issues as changes or continuity in epigraphic expression and the creation of new identities. The main aim is to get a detailed picture of local responses to the imported Latin epigraphic habit, and to this end the island has been split into smaller sections and relational database of the relevant inscriptions has been created to facilitate analysis. The results of this detailed approached are presented in one chapter that gives an overview of the entire island and three chapters addressing case study areas in more detail. The three study areas clearly demonstrate local differences in epigraphic expression and the merger of Roman elements with local practices that in some cases may have been incorporated to set up a distinct non-Roman identity.

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Summary This thesis is an evaluation of Roman light infantry and non-pitched battle combat in the Roman army, from the years 264 BC – AD 235. This study incorporates a thorough etymological assessment of the Latin and Greek vocabulary of light infantry, and how the ancient sources use these terms. Building on this assessment, this thesis then includes a discussion on defining Roman light infantry. From this follows an analysis of the various modes of combat of these troops, including skirmishing, ambushing, small-scale engagements. A ‘face of battle’ approach (after John Keegan) assessing the nature and experience of the various forms of warfare mentioned above is also included.

In 1832, fishermen pulled a full-body bronze sculpture of a youth, now called the Piombino Apollo, from the sea near ancient Populonia. Under life-size, the piece resembles an Archaic kouros, though it has some notable unusual features including an inscription dedicating the supposed image of Apollo to Athena and the signatures of two artists found on a lead tablet hidden within the hollow bronze. These unusual features led scholars to eventually reclassify the piece from an Archaic work of the fifth century to an Archaistic forgery of the second or first century. Few have challenged this reclassification, but this thesis attempts to complicate the application of the word forgery to the Piombino Apollo. Further, it examines whether a contemporary buyer would have been fooled by the sculpture’s “deceptive” traits and offers alternative possibilities to account for the artists’ choices of style, pose, and inscriptions.

This thesis is a survey of Mount Amani, the northwestern province of Chios island (east Aegean). The thesis examines the natural environment and explores the landscape using different kinds of information, in order to reconstruct the medieval historical topography of this region and to contribute to the problématique of the history and evolution of the Byzantine village and its remarkable longevity. The methodology applied ranges from the scanty literary sources, and visible archaeological evidence, and extends to the tracing of any sign of human activity on the landscape. Additionally, toponmy, ethnography and oral tradition are implemented for the examination of other aspects, such as the peasant architecture and material culture. From many perspectives, the study is paramount. It presents archaeological evidence for sites, for which there are no literary sources to rely upon. It highlights their share in the economy of Chios during the Byzantine and the Genoese periods. Finally, it aims to contribute to the debate over the ‘depopulation’ or ‘demographic decline’ of mountainous terrains in the ages prior to the eleventh century.

The term apotropaia is conventionally understood to refer to a specific type of protective magic in which an object possesses a supernatural ability to avert evil from its human users, the practice of which is generally assumed to be a facet of human behavior so fundamental in nature that it is applied universally and rarely subjected to critical review. The application of such a universal approach to the tutelary magic of ancient Greece is problematic, particularly in light of the concept’s origination in outdated treatments of the ancient world. This study intends to examine the human agency that directs the selection and use of protective magic in the art of Archaic, Classical, and Hellenistic Greece, to explore how, why, and under whose agency the visual expression of apotropaic motifs developed, and to situate all of these answers in their relevant historical and cultural contexts. A chronological examination of the evidence reveals a distinct shift in agency over time, in which early appeals to the gods for protection gradually give way to a preference for human ritual behaviors that purport to provide the same security. The apotropaic element of the iconography of the ancient gorgon is developed gradually, as it grows from an image that symbolizes divine action to one that can be used by humans with individual, non-divine agency, all of which occurs against a backdrop of larger changes in the perception of the roles of gods and men. These shifts reveal the existence of a clear human need, in the years following the Hellenistic period, to secure protection from non-standard sources, or, in those cases where the Greek gods are preferred, to use the deities as tools in service to human needs. Furthermore, these diachronic shifts in tutelary agency correspond to periods of socio-economic crisis, perhaps as the result of general losses of faith in the divine. As a result, a pattern emerges in which the early reliance on the gods for protection gives way to a human need to assert control over one’s circumstances by any means necessary. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Classics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Summer Semester 2017. / May 5, 2017. / apotropaic, evil eye, gorgon, protective magic, ship eyes / Includes bibliographical references. / Christopher Pfaff, Professor Directing Dissertation; David Levenson, University Representative; Svetla Slaveva-Griffin, Committee Member; Daniel J. Pullen, Committee Member.

Greco-Roman religion in the ancient Mediterranean permeated aspects of everyday life, including seafaring. Besides cargo, ships transported mariners' religious beliefs from port to port, thus disseminating religious culture. Shipboard ritual, however, remains largely inferred from Latin and Greek texts, iconography, and isolated archaeological finds. Several accounts record that tutelary statues were carried on board to deliver a ship from peril. These accounts are supported by iconographic representations of deities on the hull and a relief scene which shows the use of altars and incense in shipboard ritual. Moreover, ritual objects, including altars, small statuary, incense burners, and lustral basins, have been found among shipwrecks, but prior archaeological research has been particularistic, singling out ritual objects in shipwrecks. Their presence, however, does not necessitate shipboard ritual since these items may have been cargo. To distinguish between personal items and cargo on board ancient shipwrecks, I analyze such objects both objectively and subjectively: first focusing on an object to discern a potential purpose and then again within a spatial context to define its actual purpose. Additionally, I develop religious and social space theories for shipboard analysis, identifying ritual at the bow and stern and concluding that the stern in particular served as an axis mundi, a central location for divine communication. Furthermore, because of this comprehensive approach, large ritual objects such as altars and lustral basins often can be identified primarily as cargo. Ultimately, applying social space theory to shipwrecks can redefine our interpretation of religious activity on board the ship, an intermediary in the dissemination of culture.