Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin, 1972. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1998. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 295-306). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1998. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 295-306). Also available on the Internet.

Ethnic interest groups have historically played a role in the making of American foreign policy but their influence has increased especially following the end of the Cold War. This influence has important repercussions on American foreign policy towards the home countries of the powerful ethnic groups and the regions that these countries are located in. Within this context, this thesis examines the sources or the reasons of the influence of ethnic interest groups on American foreign policy, which has also affected Turkish-American relations significantly. It first focuses on the structural factors that make ethnic influence possible such as the characteristics of the American political system and the important role that Congress plays in the formulation of foreign policy. It then discusses the organizational factors such as organizational strength and using of successful persuasion and dissuasion methods that make it possible to influence American foreign policy. It ends with a normative discussion on the desirability of ethnic influence on American foreign policy.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Uppsala University, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 260-278).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Uppsala University, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 260-278).

This thesis examines how the ‘terrorist’ label affects those that are labelled by this designation, particularly with reference on a subsequent choice to use violence in the context of an ethno-nationalist conflict. Drawing on the PKK as a case study, the study asks: what effect did the labelling of the PKK as a ‘terrorist organisation’ by the Turkish government have on the use of violence by Kurds in the Turkish-Kurdish ethno-nationalist conflict? The invocation of the label terrorist in any conflict often means both the labeller and the labelled are predisposed to use violence. This study argues that this process of labelling leads the labeller and the labelled to frame one another as an existential threat. To date, the effects of using the label ‘terrorist’ in an ethno-nationalist conflict context remain relatively understudied in both social and political sciences. The period under analysis extends from 1992 to 2015, corresponding to the period during which the Turkish government continuously designated the PKK as ‘terrorist’. In conflict discourse, belligerents use demeaning labels against each other to gather support, legitimacy or simply to increase combatants’ morale. The study argues that the label terrorist is a constituent element of the conflict. The Turkish government uses the label terrorist as a tool to securitise the Kurdish-Turkish ethno-nationalist conflict. The Turkish government’s labelling of the PKK as ‘terrorist’ places the Kurdish issue in the broader framework of securitisation, a theory in International Relations. While securitising the Kurdish issue has bestowed more powers to the Turkish government to combat violence described as ‘terrorist’, the resolution of the ethno-nationalist conflict became increasingly more complex leading to protracted waves of violence. Analysing data collected through semi-structured qualitative interviews with Kurds from Turkey, the study reveals that the impact of the label terrorist is far more complex than previously assumed in the existing academic literature. The specific effects of the label terrorist on any given conflict, however, are the subject of an empirical question to be settled through rigorous research. Drawing on the Labelling Theory of Deviance fathered by Howard S. Becker and complemented by discourse analysis, this study finds that the application of the label terrorist against the PKK increases the perception of victimization among its wider Kurdish community. Secondly, the research demonstrates that the invocation of the label terrorist against the PKK places the group’s actors and sympathizers in a situation that makes it harder for them to engage in peaceful means of resolving the conflict. The interplay between these two consequential effects of victimisation and political exclusion leads to the conclusion that there is an indirect relationship between designating an ethno-nationalist armed group ‘terrorist’ and the choice to use violence.

Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T23:45:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_MarcosToffoliSimoensda_M.pdf: 12468726 bytes, checksum: 9c596867d33a718098fa3a1eaf404d2e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: A eleição de Nelson Mandela à Presidência da República, em 1994, conduziu ao fim do sistema segregacionista sul-africano, iniciando o processo de reconstrução nacional em bases não-raciais. As alterações políticas não significaram, no entanto, a destituição da categoria colonial "raça" dos processos de identificação e definição dos indivíduos, o que significa dizer que o passado colonial africano continua presente nas relações sociais e entre Estado e sociedade civil. Assim, "ser branco" é associado com o passado de privilégios e opressão, ao mesmo tempo em que "ser negro" é associado à luta pela liberdade e comprometimento com o governo. Nesse contexto, analisamos os dilemas da comunidade portuguesa da África do Sul e seus significados no novo regime político. Com isso, exploramos a complexidade do processo sul-africano, através de um debate constante entre passado e futuro, apartheid e desracialização, colonialismo e democracia / Abstract: Nelson Mandela's election to the South African presidency, in 1994, put an end to the apartheid regime and started a non-racial national re-building processo The political changes, however, didn't imply that the identification processes and the individual definitions abolished the colonial category "race", which means that the African colonial past is still alive in the social relationships and in the debate between the government and the civil society. In this sense, "being white" is associated to a past of privilege and oppression; "being black", at the same time, is linked to the struggle for freedom and the commitment to the government. In this context, we studied the dilemmas of the Portuguese community of South Africa and their meanings for the new political regime. In short, we explored the post-apartheid complexities, through the constant debate between past and future, apartheid and non-racialism, colonialism and democracy / Mestrado / Mestre em Antropologia Social