Abstract not available. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Durban-Westville, 1997.

Parsi theatre, which emerged in Bombay in the mid-nineteenth century, was a specifically ‘modern’ form of performing art that was informed by factors as diverse (but historically interrelated) as the British imperialisation of India, the development of capitalism in India, the Parsis’ Persian historical heritage and the wider cultural environment of India. Assuming a public cultural role that was well out of proportion to the Parsis’ extreme minority status in India, Parsi theatre soon transcended its origins in the Parsi community and became an important generic category of popular public entertainment in late-imperial South Asia. This generic categorisation has led to many conceptualisations of ‘Parsi theatre’ which ignore the Parsi origins of Parsi theatre altogether. However, the specifically Parsi origins of Parsi theatre, in the public space which Parsis played a major part in constructing in nineteenth century Bombay, enable us, while at the same time avoiding an excessively ‘ethnographic’ approach, to identify the originative characteristics of Parsi theatre that inform its powerful legacy in South Asian cultural history. In particular, it is the characteristic ‘theatricality’ of Parsi theatre that enables it to act as a mediated representation of self-identity in the public space of modern South Asia. / The eclectic cultural economy of Parsi theatre has given it a ‘hybrid’ guise, enabling it to frame many different aspects of public space in modern South Asia. The continuing legacy of Parsi theatre in this respect can be seen in its cultural successor, the popular Indian cinema, in which a publicly-mediated representation of ‘community as nation’ has been constructed. However, the ‘hybridity’ of Parsi theatre is a publicly-mediated representation of specific historical conditions such as imperialism and capitalism, informed by Parsi theatre’s characteristic sense of theatricality, rather than a representation of a hybrid sense of self-identity (whether of the Parsi community itself or of the broader South Asian community/nation). This enables us to develop a critique of the notion of ‘hybridity’ as it has been denoted in postcolonial theory, and to question the intimate, essential ‘hybridisation of self’ that marks the postcolonial conception of the term. Postcolonial theory’s emphasis on the process and experience of ‘colonisation’ is countered in this critique by the processes of ‘imperialisation’ and ‘capitalisation’ and the active response to them on the part of Parsi theatre’s community. In this way, a greater sense of subjectivity and agency can be attributed to the historical actors in question, and the resilience of the South Asian cultural economy in the face of ‘global’ historical processes can be duly recognised.

Kavi Dayarambhai or Dayaram (1777-1852), considered to be one of the three greatest poets of Gujarati, brought to an end not only the age of the great bhakta-poets, but also the age of Gujarati medieval literature. After Dayaram, a new age of Gujarati literature and language began, influenced by Western education and thinking. The three chapters of Part I of the thesis look at the ways of approaching North Indian devotional literature which have informed all subsequent readings of Dayaram in the hundred and fifty years since his death. Chapter 1 is concerned with the treatment by Indologists of the Krsnaite literature in Braj Bhasa, which forms a significant part of Dayaram's literary antecedents. Chapter 2 then considers studies of Dayaram by Gujarati scholars which tend to focus on him as a devotee of Krsna and a member of the Pustimarga. It also looks at literary criticism of his writings in the context of the Gujarati literary world. Chapter 3 discusses Dayaram's lyrics from an Indological perspective, concentrating on form and language. Part II puts forward a new approach to a study of Dayaram's lyrics. Chapter 4 argues that these texts deserve treatment as literary texts in their own right and suggests a reading informed by the thought of Mikhail Bakhtin (1895- 1975). Chapter 5 discusses Dayaram's lyrics in the light of Bakhtin's concept of the camivalesque, Chapter 6 looks at the functions of chronotopic features in the lyrics. Part III is a selection of Dayaram's lyrics. The Gujarati texts are given in Roman transliteration, followed by literal translations into English. A full bibliography of primary and secondary sources consulted is included. The thesis introduces a poet scarcely known to western scholars and makes a selection of his work available to those who do not know Gujarati. It examines a number of approaches which have conventionally been brought to bear on literature of this kind. It finds much which is valuable in them but highlights some of their limitations for a study of this poet; a new critical approach from literary theory, using the ideas of Bakhtin (in particular those of the carnivalesque and the chronotope) allows the thesis to re-examine the position of Dayaram in the history of Gujarati literature.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Melbourne, Dept. of History and Philosophy of Science, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (273-284). Also issued electronically via World Wide Web in PDF format.

Thesis--Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda. / Bibliography: p. [243]-246.

Thesis--Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda. / Bibliography: p. [243]-246.

This study concerns the Gujaratis of Fiji who comprise an important trading community within the large Indian population but who have not received extensive attention from scholars. It covers a time-span of forty-five years, from the beginning of this century to the end of World War II. During this period, which characterizes the crucial formative phase of their settlement in Fiji, Gujaratis belonging to various castes and from diverse backgrounds came to Fiji where they gradually became a noticeable and important trader element within the predominantly agricultural Indian population. In the process, they also acquired a negative image which is comparable to that of the dukawalla (shopkeeper) in Africa. Although other Indians were already residing in Fiji since 1879, as indentured laborers or as descendants of these laborers, Gujarat! contacts with Fiji began after 1900. Lack of sea routes between Western India and Fiji, and the prohibition of recruitment of laborers for Fiji in Bombay Presidency, provided little incentive for travel between the two areas. Moreover, Gujaratis who wished to travel to Fiji could only do so through the two sanctioned emigration ports, Calcutta and Madras. Rather than venture into an unknown area, most Gujarati immigrants went to East Africa where mercantile communities originating from Western India were long established. Fiji simply did not offer lucrative prospects until isolated groups from Gujarat proved the contrary. What caused Gujarati migration to Fiji? First of all, groups which found little fame and fortune in Africa began to turn to opportunities in other countries. Secondly, deteriorating conditions in Gujarat in the early twentieth century caused population movements to other parts of India and abroad. Failure of the monsoons, famines, reduction of landholdings among families, and the subsequent drop in agricultural productivity merely hastened the process. Thirdly, as opportunities in urban centers, especially Bombay, became limited, more and more Gujaratis left India in search of opportunity to supplement meager resources at home. Fourthly, British colonial territories which contained powerful white communities soon began to restrict the entry of Indians which initiated the push toward new frontiers such as Fiji. By contrast, Fiji welcomed 'free' immigrants because of the skills which they introduced; it maintained an open door policy toward this category of migrants until 1930. Gujarati penetration into Fiji was part of the movement of 'free' immigrants into the colony. The other two types of 'free' immigrants were Punjabis and 'returnees' (ex-indentured Indians who returned to Fiji after having been repatriated to India). Gujaratis came mainly to ply skills which they acquired in their homeland. Until 1920 isolated caste groupings carved out a particular area of operations in which they effectively utilized traditional caste skills. Most immigrants came for a stay of two years after which they had hoped to return to their homeland. However, this period was too short for the accumulation of large savings. The more important phase of Gujarati migration to Fiji took place after 1920. The breakdown of Fiji's isolation from the rest of the world in the 1920s and the extension of sea routes between Fiji and India facilitated movement between Gujarat and Fiji. The survival of the sugar industry and developing needs in the agricultural sugar belt of Fiji where the majority of Indians were residing opened new avenues for Gujaratis who had the aptitude to move with ease into entrepreneurial roles. Their tenacity in trade and commerce became more noticeable during the depression years when the arrival of more Gujarati immigrants made it difficult for local Indians to enter that sphere of activity. Consequently, in the 1930s, attitudes toward the unrestricted entry of Gujaratis changed in favor of stringent immigration controls. In the final analysis, the Gujarati immigrants introduced a different lifestyle and successfully maintained it. They also had the necessary expertise, the organizational know-how, and a considerable degree of group solidarity to assume roles which other Indians were incapable of doing. Though they did not adhere rigidly to the hierarchical social structure of their homeland, these immigrants were still linked to their respective jati nuclei in Gujarat through caste ideology and caste behavior. However, occupational specialization, based on the notion of pollution and purity, had little relevance in Fiji. A wide range of opportunities was available to all immigrants. Gujaratis settled mainly in urban areas because of their commercial orientation, and where their activities had the maximum potential for success. Their social life was built around the shop rather than around caste and religion, but the introduction of families in the 1930s obliged them to pay closer attention to the needs of the household, especially in the matter of religion. In effect, Gujaratis continued to exist as a marginal group within the Indian community; until 1945 they remained beyond the mainstream of Indian cultural, social, and political life in Fiji. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 179-185).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Delhi University. / In Hindi. Includes bibliographical references (p. [203]-207).

No description available.