This thesis calculates the amount of pre-accession aid which will be given Turkey when Turkey starts accession negotiations with EU. By using Poland&amp / #8217 / s receipts from pre-accession financial transfers of EU during its accession negotiations, the study makes expectation about Turkey&amp / #8217 / s pre-accession aid. This thesis also attempts to ask the reality of this calculated value by looking at the budgetary situation of EU during Turkey&amp / #8217 / s pre-accession period.

The aim of this thesis is to identify and to study the micro and macro determinants of export performance. The results of micro determinants suggest that there is no significant relationship between export performance and R&amp / D intensity, which could be a result of underreport of R&amp / D expenditures in income statements of firms and the realization of its effects in the long-term. The results for marketing intensity, ratio of foreign exchange profits in total sales, fixed investment intensity and capital intensity are in the same way. On the other hand, bank loans and previous year&amp / #8217 / s export performance is strongly related with export performance. Moreover, it is found that there is no significant difference between low technology industries&amp / #8217 / and medium and high technology industries&amp / #8217 / export behavior. On the other hand, from the macro-economic determinants perspective, the implementation of flexible exchange rate policy has favorable effects on the volume of exports. While export intensity is positively affected by the major devaluations experienced in 1994 and 2001.

This thesis aims to discuss the Surveillance Society discourse, especially in relation with political analysis in a historical framework by means of new technologies. This study also analyzes the use of so-called revolutionary information and telecommunication technologies for data recording and tracking is analyzed, which is used to regulate the order of the system by the power holders. The limits of thought are traced to Foucault and Lyon. To this context an attempt is made to show that surveillance/ monitoring is growing as a result of the developments in information and communication technologies. Dataveillance is being carried out by Internet, ID cards, and bank credit cards. Focus is on awareness as a midway between paranoia and utopic futurism against surveillance suppression.

The purpose of this study was to test the reliability and validity of the Turkish version of the Service Quality Assessment Scale (SQAS). The participants of this study constituted of 338 male (53.1%) and 298 female (46.9%) health-fitness club&rsquo / s members. The Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) was used to examine the factor structure of the SQAS instrument, which assess the service quality of health-fitness clubs. Six-factor model of SQAS was analyzed based on the Maximum Likelihood (ML) estimation method. The goodness-of-fit indices of the model were admissible: for the expectation model Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA) was = .067, Standardized Root Mean Square Residual (SRMR) was = .056, and both the Comparative Fit Index (CFI), the Incremental Fit Index (IFI), besides the Non-Normed Fit Index (NNFI) was = .95. For the perception model RMSEA was = .059, SRMR was = .054, and both the CFI, the IFI, as well as the NNFI was = .96. It was concluded that all of the goodness-of-fit indices of both the expectation and perception model were admissible, with the perception model slight better than the expectation model. The composite reliability and variance extracted was also calculated for expectation and perception model. Analysis indicated that CR values were all above .70 for both expectation model (.74 to 1.00) and perception model (.73 to 1.00). The variance extracted values with the exception of Child Care were comparatively lower than the .50 standard. The present study demonstrated that the SQAS with six-factor model appears to be a reliable and valid instrument to measure the service quality of health-fitness clubs.

ABSTRACT THE EUROPEAN UNION FACTOR IN THE UNITED STATES-TURKEY RELATIONS: 1995-1999 &Ccedil / ankaya, Mine M.Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Dr. Fulya Kip Barnard September 2003, 188 pages This study seeks to analyze the imperatives underlying the United States policy of supporting Turkey&amp / #8217 / s full membership to the European Union from 1995 to 1999. It is basically composed of four parts. The first part discusses the US security policy in the regions surrounding Turkey following the demise of the Soviet Union. Accordingly, the US security policies towards Russia, the Europe, the Balkans, the Middle East, the Central Asia and the Caucasus are examined. The second part is devoted to the examination of American-Turkish relations in the post-Cold War era. The third part deals with the role of the EU in Turkish domestic politics in the post- Cold War era. The last chapter serves as the essence of the study. It aims to focus on the implications of Turkey&amp / #8217 / s relations with the EU for the US security policy. Within this framework thedomestic changes in Turkish politics especially the rise of Islam and nationalism in the mid 90s and their implications for the US security policy are explained. Second, Turkey&amp / #8217 / s role in the emerging European security framework and its implications for the US security policy are scrutnized. Having elaborated these factors, this study concludes with a brief analysis of the basic points of the study. Keywords: The US security policy, American-Turkish relations, Turkey-EU relations.

Owing to the unfortunate accidents happened in Fukushima nuclear power plant in Japan on 11th March 2011, renewable energy has again become one of the mostly referred issues in energy related discussions all around the world. Generally, the states are expected to give incentives to the renewable energy sources in order to help the development and spread of those clean energy technologies against the fossil based energy sources. However, the levels of state subsidy to renewable energy sources in Turkey which was announced in 2010 with an Amendment Law was not possible to understand by following the mentioned way of thinking. Unlike other studies in the field of renewable energy policies, the thesis problematizes the role of the states in the formation of renewable energy markets and prefers to use the critical theory while trying to understand how the renewable energy policies in Turkey are formed. The state policies are tried to be understood as a result of historical state and society relations rather than looking for linear reason and result relationships. State is seen not a unified actor but rather a battleground of competing projects each of which arise from a certain way of thinking or in other words, rationalities of government. Consequently, the traces of developmentalism, neoliberalism and neomercantilism are followed starting from the formation of the Turkish electricity market in the late 1990s and the preparation of Renewable Energy Law in 2005 until the aftermath of the recent Amendment to the Renewable Energy Law in 2010.

This dissertation aims at exploring and analysing the effects of Japan&rsquo / s trust-based relations in the region of East Asia in the post-Cold War period within the framework of its anti-militaristic state identity and outlook. The main research question is based on how the Japanese policy makers constructed the meaning of the post-Cold War period, opening the ways and ideas to solidify the anti-militaristic state identity and posture. In this sense, Japan provides a significant case study for examining ontological security. The main argument of dissertation is based on building up Japan&rsquo / s ontological security structure in the regional context. Since the end of the Second World War, Japan has pursued an anti-militaristic state identity and posture. This attitude has been the guiding principle of Tokyo&rsquo / s foreign and security policy. In this dissertation, for the continuance of anti-militaristic identity successfully in the post-Cold War period, Japanese policy decision-makers have both configured and further sustained the country&rsquo / s trust-based relations with neighbouring countries in the region. This dissertation was analysed under the five main headings except the introduction chapter: (1) The historical background telling the story of anti-militaristic identity and posture of Japan, (2) Japan&rsquo / s emerging human security agenda in the Post-Cold War period, (3) Japan&rsquo / s cooperative initiatives at the regional level by focusing in particular on APEC and ARF. (4) Japan&rsquo / s relations with the significant others for its identity preservation. (5) The conclusions.

This thesis examines the main domestic security issues of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan and the impact of their securitization processes on the domestic and regional security policies of these countries in the post-Soviet era. Two outstanding issues that have been securitized in these countries, separatism and ethnic conflict for Kazakhstan and radical Islam for Uzbekistan, are scrutinized in detail with a comparative analysis. This thesis argues that Kazakh and Uzbek leaders, Nursultan Nazarbayev and Islam Karimov, as the main securitizing actors in their countries have securitized the above-mentioned issues for certain political objectives in the chaotic order of the post-Cold War era. However, these securitization processes for both of these countries have become an obstacle to find permanent solutions to their domestic security problems and develop more effective security policies at the regional level. Kazakh and Uzbek leaders should renounce manipulating these problems and produce more comprehensive policies by paying equal attention to all other problems of their countries. In addition, Astana and Tashkent should try to ensure regional security rather than overemphasizing domestic one(s) if the aim is to benefit from an effective regional integration on Central Asian security. Contrary to the most of existing studies on the subject, the thesis argues that Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are accepted as the active players that could contribute to the solution of their own security problems to a great extent, rather than being passive subjects of the &ldquo / New Great Game&rdquo / played among major actors.

This research examines how Turkish newspapers approached the Armenian terrorism which emerged in the years between 1973 and 1984 as the third wave since the late 19th century. The Armenian terrorist organizations officially emerged in 1975 in order to show the world their rightfulness in terms of the so-called Armenian genocide, assassinating Turkish diplomats, including ambassadors and their families, in a planned and systematic fashion within these 11 years. These terrorist activities accelerated from time to time. Along with the accelerated Armenian terror, domestic terrorism and political disorder were the other developments in Turkey. Within the context of such difficulties, the extent of Armenian terrorist activities and the changes in the politically varied Turkish newspapers&#039 / regarding Armenian terrorism within these 11 years are examined thoroughly.

This thesis explores the autonomy of the Crimean region in Ukraine in terms of its impact on Ukraine&rsquo / s relations with Russia in the post-Soviet era. Thesis analyzes also the impact of the relations between Ukraine and Russia on the autonomy of the Crimean region. Contrary to the views that consider the Crimean autonomy as a product of the ethno-territorial relations between the Crimea which is populated by mainly ethnic Russians and Kiev, thesis argues that the interstate relations between Ukraine and Russia have played a crucial role in the evolution of the autonomy of the Crimean region within Ukraine. Thesis is composed of six chapters. Following the introductory First Chapter, the Second Chapter examines the origins of the Crimean autonomy. The Third Chapter examines the Crimean Autonomous Region during the post-Soviet period until the signing of the Friendship Treaty between Ukraine and Russia in 1997. The Fourth Chapter explores the period between 1997 and 2004. The Fifth Chapter analyses the period in the aftermath of the Orange revolution in 2004. The Last Chapter is the Conclusion.