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Ce mémoire analyse la participation des femmes au nationalisme hindou associé au hindutva à travers la perspective de l’action collective, et ce, durant le premier mandat du très charismatique et nationaliste Premier ministre de l’Inde, Narendra Modi (2014–2019). Plus spécifiquement, il s’agit de cerner le narratif mobilisé se matérialisant en actions concrètes par les organisations féminines de la société civile du hindutva les plus importantes, la Rashtra Sevika Samiti et la Durga Vahini. Une analyse de cadrage médiatique permet de recenser les cadres de l’action collective qui sont fondés sur des conceptions socialement construites de la féminité et mobilisés par ces organisations féminines du hindutva. En plus de démontrer la forte prévalence du cadre féminin de la victime, suivis de près par celui de la mère et, finalement, celui de la guerrière, les résultats obtenus démontrent la mobilisation simultanée d’un cadre de compréhension global, le cadre cardinal du hindutva, véhiculant une hindouïté basée sur l’adéquation entre la religion et la nation hindoue. La prédominance des campagnes contre le love jihad et de leur narratif conspirationniste anti-musulman est attribuée au nouvel alignement de cadres issu de la structure d’opportunité politique que représente l’élection majoritaire du BJP. Avec l’élection de Narendra Modi, le parti nationaliste de droite qu’est le BJP solidifie ses positions néolibérales et mobilise un narratif faisant la promotion de l’empowerment féminin. Ces alliances s’inscrivent dans la montée du fémonationalisme, néologisme pouvant être attribué aux idéaux féministes et nationalistes associés à des discours et des politiques xénophobes et, plus particulièrement, anti-musulmans. / This thesis analyzes women’s participation in Hindu nationalism associated to the hindutva ideology through the perspective of collective action, during the first term of the charismatic and nationalist Prime minister of India, Narendra Modi (2014–2019). More specifically, it seeks to identify the narrative being mobilized and materialized in concrete actions by the most important female hindutva civil society organizations, the Rashtra Sevika Samiti and the Durga Vahini. A media framing analysis identified the collective action frames based on socially constructed conceptions of femininity and mobilized by these feminine organizations of the hindutva. In addition to demonstrating the high prevalence of the feminine victim frame, closely followed by that of the mother and, finally, that of the warrior, the results demonstrate the simultaneous mobilization of a global framework of understanding, the hindutva master frame, conveying a Hinduism based on the adequacy between religion and the Hindu nation. The predominance of anti love jihad campaigns and their conspiratorial anti-Muslim narrative is attributed to the new frame alignment emerging from the political opportunity structure represented by the majority election of the BJP. With the election of Narendra Modi, the BJP right-wing nationalist party solidifies its neoliberal positions and mobilizes a narrative promoting female empowerment. These alliances are part of the rise of femonationalism, neologism that can be attributed to feminist and nationalist ideals associated with xenophobic and, more specifically, anti-Muslim discourses and policies.

印度乃全球最大民主政體，本研究係以晚近印度政壇發展，作為探論主題。印度在憲法上是一個世俗國家，但在印度晚近的發展中，「印度教民族主義」配合著「國民志願服務隊」（RSS）、「印度人民黨」（BJP）、「世界宗教大會」（VHP）等組織的宣傳效應，卻產生了阿瑜陀之爭，並使得印度調合教派政治的努力，受到嚴重的考驗。印度民主政體的特殊發展經驗，也向西方對自由民主政體與民族主義所抱持的普世性假定，提出了強烈地挑戰。 　　出現於殖民時期與晚近民主國家中的民族主義浪潮與宗教運動，警醒了許多西方觀察者。本研究企圖將宗教社群主義的議題，放在印度教傳統實踐與歷史發展的脈絡中從事考察，而避免將這類涉及認同與社群意識的問題，過度化約成社會與經濟的決定論觀點，或是政治與社經利益的呈現。宗教社群意識的政治化，確為印度製造了社群衝突，但根深柢固的仇恨意識，則來自印度教徒與穆斯林間錯綜複雜的歷史糾葛。 　　透過印度民族主義與印度教徒民族主義之間關係的探討，本研究將把宗教社群衝突的問題置放在一個較寬廣的政治、宗教及歷史的脈絡中。藉由印度教徒與穆斯林在印度發生衝突的例子，揭示宗教社群議題如何表現於社會與歷史的面向之上。本研究試圖提供對於印度政治不同的觀察角度，俾益於我們對後殖民時期印度民主政體發展的理解。最後，本研究也企圖評析右派印度人民黨，如何藉由古代印度教精神的宣揚，而獲致廣泛的民眾認同並在近十年中快速崛起。 / The theme of this thesis turns our attention to recent events in the world’s largest democracy, India. India is constitutionally a secular state. But recent developments in India in the form of Hindu nationalism, propagated and propagandized with great effects by such organizations as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), and that generated the Ayodhya temple dispute, are putting India’s capacity to negotiate a viable relation between a unified polity and sectarian religio-politics severely to the test. The Indian experiences of democracy thus challenge several of the widely held assumptions about the universality of the western trajectory of liberal democracy and nationalism. 　　 　　The rise of strong nationalist and religious movement in colonial era and newly democratic countries alarms many western observers. Rather than reducing the problems of identity or communal consciousness to social-economic determinism, or a strictly matter of political and social-economic interest, this thesis places the emergence of Communalism within the context of Hindu traditional and historical praxis. The politicization of communal consciousness did create communal problems in India, but the fundamental intricacy remains the deep-seated animosity between Hindus and Muslims created by history. 　　By presenting the relationship of Indian nationalism and Hindu nationalism, this thesis situates communal conflicts in its larger political, religious, and historic contexts. Using example of Hindu-Muslim conflict in India, the issue of Communalism with social-historical context will be explored. This thesis tried to offers fresh insights into Indian politics and, by focusing on Ayodhya dispute, advances our understanding of democracy in the post-colonial India. This thesis analyzes Indian receptivity to the right-wing Hindu nationalism party and its political wing, the BJP, which claims to create a polity based on ancient Hindu culture. This thesis is also an attempt to explain the factors that led to the sudden rise of BJP in the last decade.

This thesis is centred on exploring the identity options and orientations of young British Indians, from Sikh and Hindu backgrounds, who are British born and living in the London area. Recent socio-political debates have assumed a lack of Britishness amongst these young people, an assumption that is rooted in the belief that high bonding capital within ethnic minorities has led to a lack of bridging capital. This thesis argues that such statements are an essentialisation of the reality of these young people. In fact, their sources of belonging are far more complex, and far less threatening than we may be led to believe. Through the utilisation of eighty in-depth interviews, this thesis presents the intricate social worlds of these young people and the range of orientations (positive and negative) they feel towards component parts of their social worlds, as well as examining the strength and permeability of boundaries that demarcate these social worlds. The final substantive chapter deals with Britishness, and uncovers and presents the different perceptions and understandings that these young people have about British national identity and the ways in which it is accommodated (or not) alongside other important sources of belonging. It is found that a multi-dimensional approach to identity and belonging is best suited to understand the diverse and highly individualistic trajectories of these young people and that 'diverse-dual identities' are the most common pattern of belonging in this particular empirical case. This thesis make a significant contribution to the existing theoretical frameworks on identity and assimilation as well as the current socio-political debates on Britishness and the cultural integration of ethnic minorities in Britain, by presenting data on an under-researched group, British Indians, and highlighting the range of experiences within this group and the sources of this diversity.

The study of the relationship between Hindu nationalism and Hindu activist traditions of seva (selfless service) has been principally organised into three approaches: firstly, the instrumentalist deployment of the practice, secondly, the political appropriation of traditions of seva, and thirdly, that these related associational spaces are internally homogenous and distinct from alternative ‘legitimate’ religious arenas. These frameworks largely reflect approaches to Hindu nationalism which place emphasis on its forms of political statecraft and relationship to spectacular violence. These approaches raise manifold concerns. This thesis retheorizes the relationship between Hindu nationalism and seva with reference to primary and secondary sources, together with field research in the seva projects of the Vanavasi Kalyan Kendra (VKK), a Hindu nationalist association. Through deploying a reworked understanding of Fraser’s (1990) approach to associational space and Butler’s (1993, 2007) theorisation of performative acts and subject formation, this thesis contributes to rethinking Hindu nationalism and seva. I demonstrate firstly that the colonial encounter worked to produce a series of social imaginaries which were drawn upon to transform traditions of seva. Through their articulation in shared religious languages, practices of seva were productive of porously structured Hindu activist spaces in which the tradition was contested with regard to ‘radical’ and ‘orthodox’ orientations to Hinduism’s boundaries. Increasingly, articulations of seva which invoked a sangathanist ‘orthodoxy’ came to gain hegemony in Hindu activist arenas. This influenced the early and irregular Hindu nationalist practices of seva. Fractures in Hindu nationalist articulations developed as a result of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s (RSS) sangathanist organisational idioms, allowing the association to inscribe its practices with pro-active meanings. In the post-independence period the alternative arenas of Hindu nationalist seva projects expanded greatly, a point evident in the degrees of dialogue between the Sangh and the sarvodaya movement. The importance of porous associational boundaries is further demonstrated through noting how engagement in visibilized arenas of popular Hindu religiosity worked to both broaden the fields of reference and vernacularize Hindu nationalist practices of seva. With reference to field research, I demonstrate that central to the expansion of the VKK’s arenas of service into spaces associated with Ayurvedic care is the incorporation of both refocused and transgressive practices. In the educational projects of the VKK, I note how seva works to inscribe daily practices of hygiene, the singing of bhajans and daily assemblies with Hindu nationalist meanings, and so works to regulate conduct through the formation of an ‘ethical Hindu self’. However, arenas of seva are also a location where we can witness subjects negotiating power. I demonstrate this through examining how participants in the VKK’s rural development projects rearticulate Othering practices of seva, with actors using the discourse to position themselves as active subjects, break gendered restrictions on public space, and advance an ‘ethically Hindu’ grounded claim on development and critique of power. This work illustrates that far from being of inconsequence to the circulation of Hindu nationalist identities, alternative arenas of seva operate as spaces where discourses are performatively enacted, refocused, transgressed and rearticulated. These acts contribute to the consolidation and disturbance of Hindu nationalist subject formations.