<p> The 1965 Immigration Act allowed a huge influx of new immigrants from Latin America, Asia, and the Caribbean, which extremely increased the levels of racial/ethnic composition of the U.S. society. Despite the fact that immigration from Europe to the U.S. has not stopped in this new era, the majority of research has focused on the labor market experiences of these nonwhite immigrants. New immigrant groups are also added to the white racial category as the U.S. Census Bureau started to refer "white&rdquo; to a person having origins in any of the original peoples of Europe, the Middle East, or North Africa. However, there is a shortage of academic research on the labor market experiences of these foreign-born non-Hispanic white immigrants, who differ in size, ethnic composition, socioeconomic background and geographic dispersion in the U.S. society. This research aims to fill this gap by examining whether or not earnings disparity exists between these immigrants and non-Hispanic US-born white Americans, and how much of this disparity is determined by the intersection of ethnicity and gender along with individual- and structural-level characteristics. </p><p> Applying multilevel regression models to the combined waves of data from the IPUMS and U.S. Census Bureau (1980&ndash;2010), the results show that earnings vary by ethnicity/gender, and there is significant earnings inequality between US-born white men and foreign-born white immigrants. Even more pronounced is significant gender earnings inequality within and between ethnic groups. Earnings gaps significantly vary across local labor markets, but much of the difference is determined by ethnicity/gender and individual-level predictors. Compared to temporal and regional context, local labor market context is not a major determinant of earnings achievement in the U.S. However, while the direct effects of local labor markets are trivial, they do have indirect effects on earnings through individual factors.</p>

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2008. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-11, Section: A, page: 4457. Adviser: Dara E. Goldman. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 193-212) Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.

<p> The search for effective teaching methods of Chican@/Latin@ students reached a new level of complexity when it was found that Chican@/Latin@ students who participated in the Mexican American/Raza Studies program (MARSD) in Tucson, Arizona were outperforming their White counterparts in academic achievement measures (Cabrera, Milem, Jaquette, &amp; Marx, 2014). Rather than praise the MAS program and direct educational researchers to learn and replicate the effective teaching strategies of the program, powerful educational stakeholders sent lawyers and passed legislation HB 2281 which created the legal rationale to terminate the program (Cabrera et al., 2014). This raises the question: How serious are we as a society, including the field of Education, about closing achievement gaps and learning about effective teaching strategies of Chican@/Latin@ students? History may have the answer. </p><p> We know that the field of Education has historically failed Chican@/Latin@ students and other working class students of color in general (Duncan-Andrade, 2005b; Ladson-Billings, 1998; Noguera, Hurtado, &amp; Fergus, 2013). Research in education of Chican@/Latin@/Chicano studies has extensive data illustrating school failure in the form of &ldquo;drop out&rdquo; or &ldquo;push out&rdquo; rates, low graduation rates, and low performance on academic achievement measures, for Chicano/a students (Luna &amp; Revilla, 2013; Yosso, 2006). When you add that in places like California, Chican@/Latin@ students represent more than 53% of students enrolled in public schools, understanding how to effectively teach the largest demographic population becomes an ethical concern (California Department of Education, 2013-2014). </p><p> This study examines effective teaching of Chican@/Latin@ students in Hope Valley (pseudonym). I use survey instruments to ask Chican@/Latin@ college students from Hope Valley Community College to identify the most effective teachers in their K-12 experience. This form of community nomination is unique in the educational research in that it honors the pedagogical knowledge of young adults, rather than the conventional sources of knowledge (e.g., teachers, parents, scholars, and other educational researchers). The results of the survey lead me inside the classroom of these community nominated teachers, where I use ethnographic methods to learn about their efficacy as identified by their former students. This study asserts that a strengths-based community responsive approach to understanding effective teaching of Chican@/Latin@ students increases local capacity for community members and educational stakeholders to build on the unique pedagogical strengths of their own community.</p><p>

<p> Parents raising a self-identified sexual minority child face unique challenges, such as stress, shame, and guilt, when compared to parents with heterosexual children. While literature exists regarding parents&rsquo; experiences in raising a sexual minority child, little is known about the specific challenges faced by first generation Latino parents. To address this gap, the current study explored the experiences of first generation Latino parents (N = 9) raising a sexual minority child, from the parent&rsquo;s perspective. In-depth interviews were conducted by telephone and audio-recorded. The qualitative findings suggest that Latino parents face stigma from their family and community. In addition, Latino parents rely on their sexual minority child as a means of information regarding the LGBTQ community. These findings may be useful to inform the way service professionals and social service programs are developed to meet the needs of first generation Latino parents and LGBTQ youth. </p>

<p>Although the phenomenon of psychosis in schizophrenia has been extensively studied, limited attention has been paid to the relationship of ethnicity/culture and the form and quality of psychotic symptoms. It is widely assumed that culture significantly influences the phenomenology of mental illness. Psychotic experiences, such as delusions and hallucinations, are likely no exception. There is a relatively small body of literature on cross-cultural differences in delusional symptoms that has yielded mixed findings. The purpose of this study was to contribute to the literature by examining potential differences in delusional symptoms among 2 cultural groups of schizophrenia patients: individuals of Latino and White European descent living in the United States. This study utilized archival participant data that were collected at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) as part of the Consortium for Neuropsychiatric Phenomics via the Human Translational Applications Core. 58 schizophrenia patients of Latino and White European descent completed a demographics interview assessing various ethno-cultural characteristics, the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-IV-TR Axis I Disorders&mdash;Patient Edition to determine diagnostic eligibility, and The Scale for the Assessment of Positive Symptoms, a clinical rating scale from which information regarding the content and severity of delusional symptoms was derived. Analyses revealed no statistically significant differences in delusional symptom content and severity between Latino and White European patients with schizophrenia. Strategies to improve methodology and refine conceptualization of cultural factors and psychotic phenomena for future research are highlighted. Clinical implications for the integration of a foundational framework of culture within diagnostic formulation, case conceptualization, and treatment planning are discussed. </p>

<p> This dissertation looks at the impact of common stressors on the offspring of classical Pentecostal Hispanic/Latino Pastors in the greater New York Area, especially as these relate to their retention in the Christian faith. Chapter 1 covers the context and purpose of the study, and outlines the problem, the research model, and the theological framework. The literature review in Chapter 2 explores what a healthy pastoral lifestyle should look like and reviews possible reasons why some PKs leave the Christian faith and others do not. Chapter 3 presents the quantitative and qualitative data collected from PK surveys, Non-PK surveys, and interviews. The findings in Chapter 4 support the hypothesis that PKs who remain in the faith tend to have lower PK stressor inventory scores than PKs who leave the faith. The interpretation of the data includes possible causes, trends, and implications for PKs and their home and church environment. The findings support an argument for a more effective support system for PKs in response to the unique and complex challenges they face. The recommendations made in Chapter 5 are thus for solid strategies that will support the PK population through education, strategic spiritual formation, specialized conferences, small groups and networking. </p>

No description available.

<p> Why are Mexican miners absent from Nevada's historical record? Legends of lost Spanish mines abound, and Hispanic place names dapple the state, but the stories of Hispanic miners themselves are missing from Nevada histories. This is partly because the best evidence for their presence exists not in archives or libraries, but on the landscape, in the form of the arrastras they left behind. Arrastras are a Hispanic mining technology, small-scale milling and amalgamating machines built to extract just such mineral wealth as the Nevada desert contained. Best used on high-grade and free-milling ore, by a small and mobile mining population, arrastras were never well documented and were rarely paired with an official claim. This study investigates the region's Mexican past through an exploration of its early mining geography, with a focus on Nye County and an emphasis on arrastras as evidence of the presence and activities of these miners. </p><p> Using artifacts like arrastras as evidence can be fraught with challenges, both of simple location and of interpretation. To address this, a GIS prospecting model using fuzzy logic was built to focus field searches for arrastras, and a thorough literature review undertaken. Five arrastras were located, and evidence from archives and mining histories was used to help place each arrastra in its possible local and regional context. A balance was maintained between archive and artifact, and it is this study's position that archival content can be understood as an artifact of its own. </p><p> History is often perceived to be the true story of the past, but we forget that a true story is not necessarily a whole story. There are arrastras in Nye County, and they are absent from the written record. Careful consideration of these artifacts in conjunction with existing written records strongly suggests Mexican mining presence in the region in the years before Nevada's 1864 statehood. </p>

<p> Hispanic students' life experiences are influenced by factors related to cultural capital that are imbedded in the fabric of the family's culture and interwoven in the tapestry of the school setting in relationship to student engagement. Many researchers have argued that middle-to-upper class parents who possess high-status capital know how to navigate a school system that is congruent with the dominant group. In contrast, working-class minority parents are perceived as lacking cultural capital, and consequently struggle to access school resources necessary to benefit their children's educational attainment. This dissertation is concerned with examining how the role of cultural capital from home and school settings influence student engagement of Hispanic students, by using the theoretical framework derived from Bourdieu's (1986) <i>cultural capital</i>. This qualitative narrative inquiry looked at 30 participants comprised of two administrators, three counselors, seven teachers, nine parents and their nine students from the only high school in a small bedroom community located in one of the largest counties in Southern California. The authentic "voices" of the participants were captured through individual face-to-face audio taped interviews, which were coordinated, transcribed and synthesized over a three month period. The data was triangulated using the responses of the participants to answer the three research questions. The analysis of the findings revealed that minority Hispanic students possess familial and school cultural capital that influences student engagement. This work implies that Hispanic students have access to cultural capital at school through the extra assistance received from teachers and counselors, coupled with parent's strong desire not only to see their children succeed in academia but also vicariously fulfill the parent's own personal academic and career dreams and aspirations. Recommendations were made to inform educators how to avoid assumptions that Hispanic working-class students lack cultural capital. </p>

Representations of indigeneity abound in late-twentieth-century Chicano/a cultural productions, occupying genres as diverse as the political treatise, novel, poem, and news report. The work that follows traces the construction and ideological implications of indigenous Mexican culture, or 'Indian' signifiers in Chicano/a cultural production, a fundamental but often overlooked feature of Chicano/a subject formation. I bring Chicano/a indigenism into conversation with two historical and social phenomenon, Mexican indigenous migrants in the US and post-Revolutionary Mexican national discourse, to explore their influences and challenges to notions of authenticity and nationalism. "Mestizaje," a product of Mexican post-Revolutionary national discourse, subsumes the "Indian" within the Chicano/a and ultimately within the Chicano/a political imaginary. I argue that Mexican indigenous migrants in the U.S. constitute a new critical mass that contests mestizaje and Chicano/a as potential decolonial constructs. Such socio-political projects, I argue, forces us to rethink the uses of indigenism in the production of racialized Chicano/a political identities such as "la raza cosmica" and radical epistemological frameworks such as Anzaldua's "mestiza consciousness." While, the mythologization of the Mexican Indian is a strategy that initiates counter-hegemonic discourse it also simultaneously undercuts the emancipatory objectives of its authors. I employ a comparative framework to conduct an analysis of Chicano/a and indigenous cultural productions and reveal the multifaceted positionings of ethnic subjects in the U.S. For example, the affiliations and divisions between Oaxacan indigenous migrant and Chicano/a strategies of decolonization bring to light the complex and contradictory impulses embedded in the relationship between first world and third world marginalized subjects who, while occupying vastly different subject positions, are bound together by negotiations of citizenship and language, as well as formations of nation, race, class, and ethnicity.