Includes abstract. / Includes bibliographical references. / This study records and interprets the history and meanings of Korean migration to South Africa, especially Cape Town, from 1990 to 2011. Korean immigrants in South Africa came to establish a better life. This lead to my central project question: What does a "better life" mean to Korean immigrants in South Africa? To answer this question, I have investigated Korean immigrants' motivations for migrating, family decision-making and their life experiences in South Africa.

Includes bibliographical references / This thesis aims to compare BEE with the economic empowerment strategies of Afrikaner nationalism in order to root discussion around Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment within a context of economic nationalism. This approach avoids narrow critiques of BEE as affirmative action and provides a fresh historical perspective to the ANC’s efforts at transformation and redress. The comparison allows for insight to the different levels of success achieved by the economic nationalist strategies of Afrikaner empowerment and Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment. This thesis explores micro-studies to illustrate the complex issues raised by empowerment policies of Afrikaner (post 1924) and African nationalism (post 1994). In particular this serves to offer an alternative perspective the more common broad political approaches to BEE and highlights the policy’s effect at a micro-level.

The conciliation movement at the Cape was largely the offshoot of a parent body in England. This factor tempts the researcher to compare the one with the other, a practice which produces the most frustrating results. Unlike their English counterparts, the conciliators at the Cape did not form a clearly defined, centrally directed, organisation. They were, on the contrary, members of a loosely knit alliance of like-minded persons. Although the movement resulted from the stimulus of a number of leading figures, it had a large and varied supporting cast and there were even individuals who were not formally associated with it who played a leading role in its activities. The term conciliation movement therefore covers a very wide range and there is a voluminous amount of material available in connection with it. There are, however, also the most tantalising lacunae in the available information. In dealing with the conciliation movement I have attempted to concentrate on the activities of its English-speaking associates, as it was they who gave it its essence, but as it drew the bulk of its support from the Dutch section of the colonists their activities cannot be ignored.

Bibliography: pages 185-190. / This thesis is a historical case study of the Athlone Advice of the Black Sash of South Africa between the years 1958 and 1980.The organisation known Johannesburg in 1955 as the Black with the initial Sash was established aim of protecting the Constitution of South Africa Tram amendments which were perceived as a threat to the democratic parliamentary process. In 1958, the Black Sash, which had a membership limited to white South African women voters, was challenged by a group of women Tram its Western Cape Region who wished to transform the aims and objectives of the organisation. Under the leadership of these women, the organisation initiated contact with Africans in Cape Town and supported the anti-pass law campaigns Tram 1957 to 1960. The new dynamic thus engendered led to the opening of the Athlone Advice office, where Black Sash volunteers assisted Africans with the many problems and difficulties encountered by the implementation of apartheid ideology and legislation. This Advice office was the model Tor Black Sash Advice offices opened in eight urban centres in South Africa during the 1960's. From 1958 to c.1988, the Black Sash was transformed into an organisation aimed at furthering a culture of human rights in South Africa. By 1990, it had become internationally regarded for the role it had played, and was continuing to play, in the upholding of democratic ideals in South Africa. One of the themes I examine in this thesis is the role which the Advice offices had in the transformation of the Black Sash. Until c.1990, very little was known about the Black Sash or its membership and the two published works which covered aspects of its development were out of print. Even less was known about the Advice offices. Apart Tram monthly and annual reports sent to members and a small number of supporters, and occasional case histories published in the press, the history, substance and human dimensions of the Advice offices remained obscure. The present work is designed to illuminate a small part of that history. This thesis is intended as a case study of the pioneer Advice office established in Cape Town in 1958. The study takes a chronological form, the chapters covering five year periods Tram c.1957 to c.1980. The history of the Advice office has been placed within the context of the wider history of the Black Sash and South Africa. I attempt to assess the nature of the interaction between the Athlone Advice office and its parent organisation; the African population of Cape Town; officials in local and state government agencies ; the law courts; the general public employers, commerce and industry ; human and civil rights groups other womens' organisations ; the government and the international community. I have examined the extent to which the ideology and methodology of the Athlone Advice office reflected the changing liberal, philanthropic ethic and how the Advice office responded to notions of charity and welfare. I have also examined its response to nationalist ideology, in the form of Afrikaner and African nationalism. This thesis was not intended as a study in gender relations, but I have included comment on the role played by the women who volunteered at the Advice office.

This dissertation examines the value of state assistance for small farmers in countries beset by capital deficits. It explores how undercapitalisation inhibited capitalist development of white commercial agriculture in South Africa between 1910 and 1936. From 1937, South Africa's nationalist government intervened in markets through marketing control boards to resolve capital constraints. Accumulation, liberal credit provision and investment followed. Between 1973 and 1981 state control over markets diminished. Nonetheless development continued. This thesis calls into contention the New Institutional Economic school's premise that state involvement should be limited to protecting institutions that optimise the free market. In their approach, protection of private property is the only path to sustainable economic development. The history of white agriculture in South Africa from 1910 demonstrates that state intervention that resolves capital deficits in the context of a competitive market economy is another sustainable path.

Bibliography: pages 220-228. / This study focusses on the 1950 Witzieshoek rebellion from a gender perspective. It examines the context within which the rebellion occurred, spanning a period from 1930 to 1950 and looks at the impact of the rebellion on the state. The years leading up to the Witzieshoek rebellion were characterized by crisis as the government struggled to maintain authority over the African masses in general and African women in particular. Witzieshoek residents had to contend with growing deterioration of resources, migration and the implementation of a betterment programme. These had a differential impact on men and women in the reserve, leading to a loss of power in male authority structures and increasing autonomy for women. This fed into and moulded the development of a culture of resistance in the community which exploded in 1950 when the majority of the inhabitants revolted against the Native Affairs Department and the Trust. The Witzieshoek rebellion was a desperate bid to return to older and more familiar ways of organization which had been based on the productive and reproductive capacity of women. The men and women who rebelled were denouncing the organization of the community on Trust and Departmental terms. The response of the state to the rebellion was to appoint a Commission of Enquiry. The Commission, operating at a time when 'native' policy was being fiercely debated, was unable to offer the kind of solutions that Nationalist Party policy would eventually demand. Both the rebellion and the Commission of Enquiry failed to bring about any meaningful change to the conditions in Witzieshoek.

Bibliography: pages 232-239. / This project constitutes a close textual analysis of The South African Commercial Advertiser in the years 1824 and 1830 - 1831. It uses this text to explore issues around the making of colonial identity in Cape Town during the early nineteenth century, making use of post-structuralist theories about discourse and the textual nature of historical reality. It therefore hopes to build on already existing work which concerns this period, but which does not directly address issues of cultural change in this way. The study commences with an account of the Advertiser's conception of the place of the press in the reform agenda of the middle classes in Cape Town. It explores contemporary notions about the nature of the rational public sphere and its basis in a literate culture. The second chapter explores the reconstruction of social space in Cape Town and the way in which these middle class efforts were disrupted by troubling perceptions of the underclasses in the city. Chapters three and four address the notions of gender identity and labour organization which informed the Advertiser's conception of an appropriately civilized society, as well as exploring the way in which these perceptions were destabilized by their operation in the colonial context of the Cape. The final chapter looks at the importance of representative government in the aims of the paper, and draws together some threads on the nature of colonial identity at the Cape as expressed in the Advertiser.

Includes bibliographical references. / Fourteen South African films made between 1971 and 1988, and dealing with the Border War, are examined. The focus of this examination is on the ways in which films were used to persuade the white public to accept the legitimacy of the Border War. The period under examination is one during which the Apartheid government moved South African society ever closer to what has been termed a 'garrison state'. Rather than following the approach indicated by the notion of 'film as history', the current work attempts to use films as sources of data to explicate the nature of the ideological manipulation at stake in each case.

Bibliography: leaves 186-204. / This dissertation uses the comparative historical method to compare and contrast the responses of Southern and South African Jews to apartheid and segregation in the 1950s and 1960s. It focuses on the interrelationship of the two communities with reform rabbis and international Jewish organizations. The dissertation argues that the nature of individual and institutional responses was significantly shaped by exposure to a set of factors common to the South and South Africa. The dissertation is thematic, employing a variety of case studies. The dissertation begins by examining the effect of frontier conditions on reform rabbis. The author argues that the dispersed reform pulpits prevalent in these two contexts, and the type of rabbi that they generally attracted, served to inhibit civil rights activism. Differential exposure to these conditions, together with the presence of various liberating features, determined the risks and opportunities that frontier rabbis encountered. Thereafter, the dissertation analyzes the interactions of the Southern and South African Jewish communities with northern-based national Jewish organizations (in the case of the former) and international Jewish organizations (in the case of the latter). The author compares the interplay of the Southern lodges of the B'nai B'rith with the Anti-Defamation League, and the interrelationship of the South African Jewish Board of Deputies with various overseas Jewish groups. Whereas in the first section, rabbinical responses in the South Africa and the South are analysed together, here the two communities are dealt with separately. The author argues that the responses of external organizations were shaped by pressure from constituencies in the South and South Africa. These pressures competed with other philosophical and political considerations in determining policy towards segregation and apartheid.

The "official" narrative of the Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola (National Front for the Liberation of Angola, or FNLA) as presented by FNLA documents and scholars such as Christine Messiant and Inge Brinkman, paints a picture of a liberation movement that fragmented and lost its credibility over time, from its inception in 1962 to its demise in 1978.In part, this was due to the actions, or rather inaction of its authoritarian and highly paranoid leader Holden Roberto. In contrast, however, former FNLA fighters I have interviewed remember the FNLA and Holden Roberto as having been the righteous and just vanguard of the Angolan struggle against Portuguese colonialism, and later against the MPLA Soviet"puppet" regime. For the ex-FNLA fighters, the FNLA stood for progress, inclusivity, and justice, to the extent that many of these former fighters have proclaimed their continued loyalty to the FNLA to this day. By making use of concepts such as memory, myth, as well as senses of place, belonging and identity, this thesis will examine these two divergent narratives, and will posit that the respondents' reflections on the FNLA are ultimately tied to their present identities as forgotten and betrayed war veterans.