This dissertation concerns the ways in which a Chinese civilizing project intervened powerfully in cultural and social change in the Muslim-majority region of Xinjiang from the 1870s through the 1930s. I demonstrate that the efforts of officials following an ideology of domination and transformation rooted in the Chinese Classics changed the ways that people associated with each other and defined themselves and how Muslims understood their place in history and in global space. Chinese power is central to the history of modern Xinjiang and to the Uyghur people, not only because the Chinese center has dominated the area as a periphery, but because of the ways in which that power intervened in society and culture on the local level. The processes and ramifications of the Chinese government in late-Qing and early Republican Xinjiang demonstrates strong parallels with colonialism in the context of European empire. This dissertation does not focus on the question of typology, however, but instead draws on methods from colonial history to explore the dynamics of a linguistically and religiously heterogeneous society. In order to do so, I draw on local archival documents in Chinese and Turkic and place them into dialogue with the broader Turkic-language textual record. This dissertation thus proceeds from the inception of the ideology that drove the civilizing project, through its social ramifications, to the innovations that emerged in Islamicate literature and history in Xinjiang in this period. / East Asian Languages and Civilizations

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This thesis argues that Pol Pot was an unsophisticated political theorist and that he attempted to localize Maoism to serve his virulently ultra-nationalist agenda against Cambodia's ethnic Vietnamese. This is contrary to the existing assertions that Pol Pot was either a Maoist fundamentalist or adopted an ideology close to Maoism. The thesis postulates that Pol Pot used Maoism as a framework from which to launch his Khmer revivalist anti-Vietnamese program. The Cambodian leader's revolution was intended to "outdo" Mao, based solely on the use of antiquated Khmer agricultural developments, and surpass the grandeur of the great Angkor kings. This evidence can be found when one compares Pol Pot's writings, speeches, and slogans with Mao's own political works. Pol Pot was fascinated with Maoist rhetoric but never took action in building industry or improving social welfare. The Cambodian leader's overarching goal was to achieve a uniquely "pure" Khmer communism while also eradicating the entire Vietnamese race. The following thesis provides an analysis of Pol Pot's early political life, examines his infatuation with Mao Zedong and the Chinese revolution, and details the Cambodian leader's unique interpretation of the Chinese Chairman's political ideology. This thesis also aspires to she'd new insight into the study of Pol Pot's ultra- nationalist inspiration and disbar the convenient assumption by current scholars that he was merely a Maoist fundamentalist. In Pol Pot's attempts to create a uniquely Khmer communist ideology, he lost sight of the class struggle and espoused a racialist agenda based on Cambodian historical notions of revenge. These forms evolved from a mere grudge to notions of disproportionate and total revenge and dictated the Cambodian leader's treatment of the Vietnamese. Pol Pot was obsessed with Cambodia's long lost greatness and possessed an inherent need to reestablish the utopian Angkor kingdom in the present while punishing those responsible for its demise. In the end, his legacy was one of unbridled bloodshed that led to nearly three million deaths and the near-total destruction of his country.

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